Haaretz Last update - 21:54 31/03/2008
By Nadav Shragai, Haaretz Correspondent and Haaretz Service
The municipality of Jerusalem on Monday approved the construction of 600 new homes in Pisgat Zeev, east of the Green Line. Jerusalem Mayor Uri Lupolianski approved the expansion in Pisgat Zeev - a Jewish settlement surrounded by Arab towns in the West Bank - as part of a plan to construct 40,000 more homes in the area as foreign interest drives property prices up. Also Monday, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert promised the spiritual leader of the Shas Party, Rabbi Ovadiah Yosef, that he would authorize construction on "Jerusalem envelope" lands which have been thus far frozen, sources from the ultra-Orthodox Party said.
"The Prime Minister promised Rabbi [Yosef] unequivocally that the construction in all the Jerusalem envelope communities will not be hindered and will be unfrozen without delay," sources from the ultra-Orthodox Shas Party said. The sources added that the rabbi had made clear to Olmert "with conviction" that the issue of construction in the ultra-Orthodox towns in Arab areas surrounding Jerusalem "are Shas' top priority," and that he will ask party chairman Eli Yishai to continue updating him on the matter.
During an earlier Kadima faction meeting at the Knesset on Monday, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert denied a report by the Peace Now movement claiming that Israeli construction in the West Bank had been stepped up. "All the reports of dramatic construction projects in the [Palestinian] territories are not true, and it's not true that we're building in violation of commitments that were made," Olmert told a meeting of his Kadima Party. Olmert also said Israel would continue to build in East Jerusalem and in heavily Jewish areas of the West Bank that Israel wants to keep in a final peace agreement.
"This is going on within the framework of negotiations, and the negotiations will continue to progress," he said. Meanwhile, the Yesha Council of Settlements said Monday it would continue to build in West Bank settlements, even without the necessary government authorizations. "Whoever thinks that an administrative step can smother the settlement enterprise and prevent it from flourishing is mistaken," said a Yesha council statement. "Either the government will approve construction in the settlements, or the natural development of the settlements will continue to grow, even without government permits."
The statement came in response to a Peace Now report released Monday that noted expansion in 101 West Bank settlements, including at least 500 buildings, each containing dozens of apartments. The report, which summarizes the first quarter of 2008, also found that Defense Minister Ehud Barak recently approved a plan to construct at least 969 housing units in settlements - 750 in the Agan Ayalon neighborhood of Givat Ze'ev and 48 in Ariel. The report also notes that at least 184 new caravans have bee installed in West Bank settlements, at least 83 percent of them east of the separation fence.
Peace Now: Momentum for Jewish construction in E. J'lem 'unprecedented'
Peace Now accused the government of stepping up Jewish construction in East Jerusalem at an unprecedented rate, in a report released Monday. "In the last two months, an unprecedented momentum has been noted in the Jewish neighborhoods in East Jerusalem, with the intentions of expanding deep into Palestinian territories east of the Green Line," said the report. According to the report, since the Annapolis Summit last November, tenders have been made for the construction of 750 housing units in East Jerusalem, compared to two tenders for 46 units in 2007. The construction comes despite the recently revived peace process and Barak's pledge to ease conditions for Palestinians in the West Bank.
New home for ex-Gaza settlers: Deep in W.Bank Prime Minister Ehud Olmert recently approved the construction of the 48 new apartments in Ariel, deep inside the northern West Bank. Last week, Olmert told foreign correspondents that Israel is not building in the territories outside the settlement blocs. Ariel has been considered a settlement bloc by all Israeli governments, but the United States refuses to recognize it as such. Because of Washington's objections, Ariel Mayor Ron Nahman used to complain that former defense minister Amir Peretz consistently refused all his requests for permission to build new housing in the city. But Peretz's successor in the ministry, Ehud Barak, ended the freeze.
Barak's office said in a statement that the new construction was meant to allow evacuated Gaza settlers, who had relocated to Ariel with the government's consent, to move from temporary to permanent housing. Last week, Haaretz reported that Barak also approved bringing five trailer homes to the settlement of Tene Omarim to house evacuated Gaza settlers. That settlement is located east of the separation fence, meaning that Israel almost certainly does not intend to keep it under any future agreement.
lundi 31 mars 2008
vendredi 28 mars 2008
Sanhedrin demands expulsion of women from military
Self-appointed Supreme Judicial Court of the Jewish People says that by integrating women into army units, IDF is surrendering to 'political and ideological demands'.
Kobi Nahshoni Yedioth Ahranoth Published: 03.28.08, 10:25
The self-appointed Supreme Judicial Court of the Jewish People, also known as the Sanhedrin, passed down on Thursday a halachic ruling which calls to exempt women from army service and expel those who have already been recruited.
The ruling comes just two months after three religious soldiers belonging to a Yeshivat Hesder (program that combines advanced Talmudic studies with military service) were jailed for refusing to participate in a class given by women instructors.
According to the Sanhedrin rabbis, by integrating women into mixed army units the IDF is surrendering to "political and ideological demands".
The ruling stated that "rabbis and parents will not send their sons to an army that recruits women to mixed units. There is no place for any flexibility and compromise (in this matter).
'Failures in the battlefield'
Sanhedrin member Professor Hillel Weiss told Ynet that separating male and female soldiers would not due, and called to expel women from the army entirely.
"I remember when I would be called up for reserve duty and the IDF sent women instructors to show us how to operate a heavy machinegun; they couldn't even cock the large weapon," he said. "Today I meet women soldiers who say they are proud to be serving in the Armored or Artillery corps. It's a joke.
"However," Professor Weiss added, "there is room for technological and other units in which only women will serve, but this should be done outside the military framework.
"Just as there is the National Service for the State (alternative voluntary service for those that cannot or do not wish to serve in the IDF), there can also be National Service for the army" he said, "the women who would take part in this program would not even have to be in uniform.
The Sanhedrin's ruling also mentions the IDF's "failures in the battlefield", stating that the establishment of mixed units has resulted in a "disruption of the conscience".
"There seems to be a connection between the inability to make the distinction between the genders and the inability to make the distinction between friend and foe. Both of these characterize the post-Zionist army, which deems such distinctions racist," the ruling stated.
Kobi Nahshoni Yedioth Ahranoth Published: 03.28.08, 10:25
The self-appointed Supreme Judicial Court of the Jewish People, also known as the Sanhedrin, passed down on Thursday a halachic ruling which calls to exempt women from army service and expel those who have already been recruited.
The ruling comes just two months after three religious soldiers belonging to a Yeshivat Hesder (program that combines advanced Talmudic studies with military service) were jailed for refusing to participate in a class given by women instructors.
According to the Sanhedrin rabbis, by integrating women into mixed army units the IDF is surrendering to "political and ideological demands".
The ruling stated that "rabbis and parents will not send their sons to an army that recruits women to mixed units. There is no place for any flexibility and compromise (in this matter).
'Failures in the battlefield'
Sanhedrin member Professor Hillel Weiss told Ynet that separating male and female soldiers would not due, and called to expel women from the army entirely.
"I remember when I would be called up for reserve duty and the IDF sent women instructors to show us how to operate a heavy machinegun; they couldn't even cock the large weapon," he said. "Today I meet women soldiers who say they are proud to be serving in the Armored or Artillery corps. It's a joke.
"However," Professor Weiss added, "there is room for technological and other units in which only women will serve, but this should be done outside the military framework.
"Just as there is the National Service for the State (alternative voluntary service for those that cannot or do not wish to serve in the IDF), there can also be National Service for the army" he said, "the women who would take part in this program would not even have to be in uniform.
The Sanhedrin's ruling also mentions the IDF's "failures in the battlefield", stating that the establishment of mixed units has resulted in a "disruption of the conscience".
"There seems to be a connection between the inability to make the distinction between the genders and the inability to make the distinction between friend and foe. Both of these characterize the post-Zionist army, which deems such distinctions racist," the ruling stated.
Demands for inquiry into Israeli shootings
By Donald Macintyre in Bethlehem
The Independent Friday, 28 March 2008
A criminal investigation was demanded yesterday into whether the killing of four Palestinian militants in a Bethlehem street earlier this month was an "extra-judicial execution" in violation of a ruling by the Israeli Supreme Court.
The Israeli human rights organisation Btselem yesterday said its own investigation of the deaths suggested that the Israeli forces who shot the four men – three of whom were in a car containing an MP5 sub-machine gun and two M16s and one of whom had left it to walk across the street – operated "as though on an assassination mission".
Btselem complained that no attempt had been made to arrest the wanted men and that those in the car were shot "from behind with massive automatic gunfire although [they] did not try to escape or use their weapons". Witnesses say the man who had left the car was unarmed and was shot dead after he had been already wounded in the leg. One shopkeeper who saw the shootings, Ibrahim Rashed, 49, said yesterday: "There was no warning. It was an execution."
The then president of Israel's Supreme Court, Justice Aharon Barak, ruled in December 2006 that "if a terrorist taking a direct part in hostilities can be arrested, interrogated, and tried, those are the means that should be employed".
The West Bank incident, shortly after 6pm on 12 March, came after a five-day lull in rocket fire from Gaza but was swiftly followed by the launching of at least 30 Qassam rockets and mortars into Israel from Gaza as Islamic Jihad retaliated for the Bethlehem shootings, in which three of its members had been killed. The Israel Defence Forces said at the time that the men had been shot during a joint IDF-Border Police "arrest operation" and that Mohammed Shehadeh, said by the military to have been the head of Islamic Jihad in the city, had been involved in a series of attacks on Israelis up to 2002. The official statement did not say the men had attempted to fire back.
Witnesses have testified to Btselem, and repeated yesterday, that a red VW minibus with Palestinian number plates pulled up a few metres behind a red Daihatsu which contained the Palestinians – including Shehadeh – and was parked at the corner of al Jabel Street and Gamal Abdul Nasser Street.
Muhammad Abu Ahour, 33, a crane driver, and a nephew of one of the dead men, described how he had parked his car close to the junction, leaving his wife and baby son in the car while he and his brother went into a mobile phone shop to get his phone repaired.
After hearing gunfire he came out of the shop, Mr Abu Ahour testified. He saw "six soldiers in uniform with helmets and masks approach the Daihatsu and open massive gunfire at it ... They fired into the car for a long time." Mr Abu Ahour said that he had shouted – in Hebrew – at an armed man not dressed in uniform but in civilian clothes, and not shooting at the time, that he wanted to get his wife and child out of his car, which was only a few metres from the Daihatsu, on the other side from the minibus.
He added: "He told me in Arabic, 'get back or I'll shoot you.' I said I didn't care if he shot me. I said I would rather die in the car with my wife and baby than watch the car being shot at." Mr Abu Ahour's car was not hit and he eventually led his wife and child to the safety of the shop.
Mr Abu Ahour said that the same officer shot the three passengers at close range, and then did the same to Imad al-Kamal, the man who had tried to cross the road and was now lying on the ground. Btselem said yesterday that photographs showed that three of the men's skulls had been shattered and raised the suspicion that the office had "confirmed the killing" in violation of stipulations that medical care should be provided once any threat had been neutralised.
Israeli security officials have explained in the past that it is considered preferable to arrest militants for interrogation but that this is usually not possible in Gaza – as opposed to in the West Bank.
The Independent Friday, 28 March 2008
A criminal investigation was demanded yesterday into whether the killing of four Palestinian militants in a Bethlehem street earlier this month was an "extra-judicial execution" in violation of a ruling by the Israeli Supreme Court.
The Israeli human rights organisation Btselem yesterday said its own investigation of the deaths suggested that the Israeli forces who shot the four men – three of whom were in a car containing an MP5 sub-machine gun and two M16s and one of whom had left it to walk across the street – operated "as though on an assassination mission".
Btselem complained that no attempt had been made to arrest the wanted men and that those in the car were shot "from behind with massive automatic gunfire although [they] did not try to escape or use their weapons". Witnesses say the man who had left the car was unarmed and was shot dead after he had been already wounded in the leg. One shopkeeper who saw the shootings, Ibrahim Rashed, 49, said yesterday: "There was no warning. It was an execution."
The then president of Israel's Supreme Court, Justice Aharon Barak, ruled in December 2006 that "if a terrorist taking a direct part in hostilities can be arrested, interrogated, and tried, those are the means that should be employed".
The West Bank incident, shortly after 6pm on 12 March, came after a five-day lull in rocket fire from Gaza but was swiftly followed by the launching of at least 30 Qassam rockets and mortars into Israel from Gaza as Islamic Jihad retaliated for the Bethlehem shootings, in which three of its members had been killed. The Israel Defence Forces said at the time that the men had been shot during a joint IDF-Border Police "arrest operation" and that Mohammed Shehadeh, said by the military to have been the head of Islamic Jihad in the city, had been involved in a series of attacks on Israelis up to 2002. The official statement did not say the men had attempted to fire back.
Witnesses have testified to Btselem, and repeated yesterday, that a red VW minibus with Palestinian number plates pulled up a few metres behind a red Daihatsu which contained the Palestinians – including Shehadeh – and was parked at the corner of al Jabel Street and Gamal Abdul Nasser Street.
Muhammad Abu Ahour, 33, a crane driver, and a nephew of one of the dead men, described how he had parked his car close to the junction, leaving his wife and baby son in the car while he and his brother went into a mobile phone shop to get his phone repaired.
After hearing gunfire he came out of the shop, Mr Abu Ahour testified. He saw "six soldiers in uniform with helmets and masks approach the Daihatsu and open massive gunfire at it ... They fired into the car for a long time." Mr Abu Ahour said that he had shouted – in Hebrew – at an armed man not dressed in uniform but in civilian clothes, and not shooting at the time, that he wanted to get his wife and child out of his car, which was only a few metres from the Daihatsu, on the other side from the minibus.
He added: "He told me in Arabic, 'get back or I'll shoot you.' I said I didn't care if he shot me. I said I would rather die in the car with my wife and baby than watch the car being shot at." Mr Abu Ahour's car was not hit and he eventually led his wife and child to the safety of the shop.
Mr Abu Ahour said that the same officer shot the three passengers at close range, and then did the same to Imad al-Kamal, the man who had tried to cross the road and was now lying on the ground. Btselem said yesterday that photographs showed that three of the men's skulls had been shattered and raised the suspicion that the office had "confirmed the killing" in violation of stipulations that medical care should be provided once any threat had been neutralised.
Israeli security officials have explained in the past that it is considered preferable to arrest militants for interrogation but that this is usually not possible in Gaza – as opposed to in the West Bank.
jeudi 27 mars 2008
Powerful lessons: Ultra-orthodox awkward squad
Rabbi Obadia Yosef's hardline Shas party is an implacable opponent of the two-state solution. And its influence over a generation of young Israelis is growing. By Donald Macintyre
The Independent Thursday, 27 March 2008
In a schoolroom in the heart of the growing immigrant town of Beit Shemesh – its Jewish origins dating back to biblical times – Rabbi Pinchas Mazuz is conducting a boisterous class of teenage boys who attend this yeshiva with a difference. This afternoon's lesson seeks answers to the question of what you would tell a visitor from abroad about how to conduct the Seder, the ritual family meal on the first night of Passover, and the students, preparing for a test on just this subject eagerly shout back their answers: clearing the house of chametz, or leavened bread, the reading of the Haggadah, the account of the Jews' exodus from Egypt after generations of slavery, the drinking of four glasses of wine.
What makes this yeshiva, or Jewish seminary, untypical is the students themselves, from families that are Sephardic, or originally from Arab countries, and dressed in white shirts, black trousers and black velvet kippas for their lessons in maths, English and Bible studies. All are drop-outs from other more conventional yeshivas in the town. Some had behavioural problems; some come from broken homes; all felt out of place in what they saw as the stifling atmosphere of religiosity and scholarship in those institutions.
A stern sign in Hebrew on the classroom wall warns that "It is forbidden to talk at the hours of prayer and when reading the Torah". But it's easy to see that Rabbi Mazuz wants his lessons to be fun as well as instructive. When a student's mobile phone rings, he gets up to go outside and take his call without rebuke from the rabbi.
Eliyahiv Levy, 16, explains: "(a) I feel the people here are more close to me, and (b) I feel more free and I feel good about coming here to study." Tal Or, also 16, says: "This place basically keeps me here and stops me becoming a thief." One student says he wants to be a "taxi driver or a pilot" when he finishes his education. Another says he wants to join the army.
This last aspiration comes as a surprise, because the yeshiva is supported by the Sephardic ultra-orthodox party Shas whose religious students are normally educated – to the intense irritation of many secular Israelis – not to join the army and are officially exempt from compulsory military service on the grounds that study of the Torah is their vocation.
But as we walk round the corner to another Shas-backed social project, a local kindergarten for children from poor immigrant families from Ethiopia, Yehuda Madizada, one of three Shas members of the Beit Shemesh municipal council who himself became observant only after he had completed his own army service, says: "Look we know these boys do things they shouldn't, like smoke, or chat up girls. But Rabbi Obadia Yosef [the former Sephardic chief rabbi of Israel, founder and spiritual leader of Shas] wanted us to keep boys like this close to Judaism, close to religion and off the streets. And we don't have a problem if that means they join the army."
At the Yalkut Yosef kindergarten (named after Rabbi Obadia) a class of Ethiopian five-year-olds are lustily singing psalms in Hebrew, to traditional but catchy, fast paced tunes, in front of a big painting of equally happy children at a bumper picnic, its texts a reminder of blessings that those enjoying themselves should give for what they are eating.
The 30 children of the brightly decorated kindergarten, with its two professional teachers, come from culturally as well as economically impoverished backgrounds. The children get free breakfasts and lunches every day, learn the basics of reading and writing, and according to Esther Abutbul, the rabbi's wife who helps to run it, "like it so much they don't want to go home at the end of the day." She says that often the fathers drink while the mothers work 12 hours a day and that one of the tasks is to bring the parents in once a week for classes in subjects like basic science. "These are children who come here not knowing how to listen to a teacher or ask questions. We are preparing them for a normal education."
Both the yeshiva and the kindergarten are financed by the municipality, by Shas's educational network El Hamayan, itself partially funded by state subsidies, and by private donations. And both are well organised responses to a real social need which is not being met directly by the state. But they are also both reminders of how Shas's political support – and therefore its power – is rooted in grass roots social action in the Sephardic communities – not all of them religious – which it serves. As Mr Madizada says, Shas is seeking to bring Ethiopians into its fold in Beit Shyemesh just as its Asheknazy ultra-orthodox equivalent United Torah Judaism "is trying to bring in the Russians".
The way that power – magnified by a pure proportional system which allows small parties to punch above their weight – is being wielded by Shas inside Ehud Olmert's government has now become a hot topic in Israeli politics. For Shas, whose 11 Knesset members are in the coalition, has projected itself as the main brake on Mr Olmert's stated aspirations to negotiate the outlines of a two-state agreement with the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.
Having threatened to walk out of the government if the negotiators so much as discussed the future of Jerusalem – the division of which into two capitals is a sine qua non of such an agreement – the Shas leader Eli Yishai has claimed credit for the decision to build more than 300 new homes in the West Bank settlement of Givat Zeev. This has not only infuriated moderate Palestinians who thought that settlement building would be frozen in accordance with the internationally agreed road map, but has drawn a sharp rebuke from the US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.
It wasn't always quite like this. In the 90s, Rabbi Obadia Yosef – who remains the party's ultimate authority on major policy issues – memorably decreed that the saving of life mattered more than territory. A decade and half later, according to a savage critique by the Haaretz commentator Nehemia Strasler last week, "Shas passes Likud on the right". Mr Strasler, accusing Mr Yishai of becoming "an expert at [political] extortion", made an eloquent if defiantly secular case against modern Shas on issues minor as well as major. It had used its political leverage to stymie attempts to lengthen daylight saving time-at high cost to Israel's economy-to make the Yom Kippur fast "easier". It had recently secured from Mr Olmert an extra £64m as a "political gift to fund its yeshiva students". And whereas it had once been "modest" about military matters, in deference to the fact that the religious young men it supports do not do army service – it had now called for a full-scale military invasion of Gaza as well as also threatening to walk out if there are even indirect negotiations with Hamas.
Mr Strasler did not mention the recent declaration – equally remarkable in the eyes of many secular Israelis – by one of Shas's most prominent Knesset members, Shlomo Benizri, that recent mild earthquakes in the Middle East were caused by Israel's permissiveness towards gays. Unfazed by the fuss caused by his remark – which anyway he must have anticipated – Mr Benizri, himself a rabbi, stood firmly this week by his reference to the third-century Jerusalem Talmud which does indeed cite "sodomy" as one of several reasons for earthquakes. He insists that "I am not proposing to lock up homosexuals or send them to gaol for what they do at home", he explained. Instead he is against the Israeli state – which recently approved adoption by gap couples – legitimising "public acts" by homosexuals.
If nothing else this is in line with Mr Benizri's vigilance about what he worries is an increasingly secular Israeli society. Mr Benizri, who was indicted in 2006 on corruption charges which he vehemently denies, agrees, however that Shas sees no problem in advocating military action "even though we do not educate our sons to be in the army". Himself a former army commander before he became ultra-orthodox, he says that as a participant in government, Shas has the right to talk about any of the big issues of the day.
That these are decided by Rabbi Obadia and a small group of Torah sages – as opposed to lesser matters "on which we make our own professional judgement" – is in his view entirely natural. Yes, the Rabbi in the past had not ruled out the concession of territory for peace. But Mahmoud Abbas had shown "he does not control his people" and in the mean time Jewish building should continue in Arab East Jerusalem and the West Bank settlement blocs "for Israel's security".
As so often in politics, Shas has a less harsh and rhetorical face at local rather than national level, at least in Beit Shemesh. Mr Madizada takes pride in the fact that Shas co-operates with all the other parties in a coalition which leaves a single Labour member in opposition. Saying it is not as religiously extreme as UTJ however, he adds: "That's why people like Shas more. It is easier for non-religious people to deal with us."
Even nationally, Shas is certainly more pragmatic on some religious issues than UTJ. To take a single example, Shas has accepted the compromise with Zionist agriculture that the seven yearly edict against use of the land does not have to be applied super-literally.
But then exercising leverage in government is very much part of what Shas is about. Which leaves the question of why Mr Olmert is so keen to appease Shas, especially when he could at least offset part of their strength by trying to bring into the coalition the five Knesset members of the leftist Meretz, who genuinely support the "painful concessions" Mr Olmert insists he is ready to make in the talks with Mr Abbas. Mr Olmert would only say last night that Meretz will support peace moves whether in or out of the coalition.
But Danny Ben Simon, another Haaretz journalist who has written a book about Shas, says Mr Olmert's dogged preparedness to accommodate the party is in fact a symbol of the "political weakness of the government" in a context in which "nothing is happening". The party has "changed radically" since the 1990s and that while retaining its formidable ability to strengthen its electoral base by using its governmental leverage to "attend to the daily needs of its disciples" has moved from "a social to a political face".
The hawkish former defence minister Moshe Arens was recently even harsher declaring: "Shas knows nothing will come of the negotiations with Abbas. Olmert also knows that nothing will come of them but in the mean time is keeping his coalition together."
Meanwhile back at the Beit Shemesh nursery Mr Madizada insists that voting support is a "result and not a goal" of welfare activities. But as Mrs Abutbul looks for something to write a note on, the piece of paper at hand happens to be a Shas voting slip, of the kind every party distributes to its supporters at election time. It is a small but symbolic reminder of its efficiency at mobilising the grassroots to increase its influence – an influence currently making the faltering efforts to negotiate any kind of an agreement with Mr Abbas even more difficult than they already are.
The Independent Thursday, 27 March 2008
In a schoolroom in the heart of the growing immigrant town of Beit Shemesh – its Jewish origins dating back to biblical times – Rabbi Pinchas Mazuz is conducting a boisterous class of teenage boys who attend this yeshiva with a difference. This afternoon's lesson seeks answers to the question of what you would tell a visitor from abroad about how to conduct the Seder, the ritual family meal on the first night of Passover, and the students, preparing for a test on just this subject eagerly shout back their answers: clearing the house of chametz, or leavened bread, the reading of the Haggadah, the account of the Jews' exodus from Egypt after generations of slavery, the drinking of four glasses of wine.
What makes this yeshiva, or Jewish seminary, untypical is the students themselves, from families that are Sephardic, or originally from Arab countries, and dressed in white shirts, black trousers and black velvet kippas for their lessons in maths, English and Bible studies. All are drop-outs from other more conventional yeshivas in the town. Some had behavioural problems; some come from broken homes; all felt out of place in what they saw as the stifling atmosphere of religiosity and scholarship in those institutions.
A stern sign in Hebrew on the classroom wall warns that "It is forbidden to talk at the hours of prayer and when reading the Torah". But it's easy to see that Rabbi Mazuz wants his lessons to be fun as well as instructive. When a student's mobile phone rings, he gets up to go outside and take his call without rebuke from the rabbi.
Eliyahiv Levy, 16, explains: "(a) I feel the people here are more close to me, and (b) I feel more free and I feel good about coming here to study." Tal Or, also 16, says: "This place basically keeps me here and stops me becoming a thief." One student says he wants to be a "taxi driver or a pilot" when he finishes his education. Another says he wants to join the army.
This last aspiration comes as a surprise, because the yeshiva is supported by the Sephardic ultra-orthodox party Shas whose religious students are normally educated – to the intense irritation of many secular Israelis – not to join the army and are officially exempt from compulsory military service on the grounds that study of the Torah is their vocation.
But as we walk round the corner to another Shas-backed social project, a local kindergarten for children from poor immigrant families from Ethiopia, Yehuda Madizada, one of three Shas members of the Beit Shemesh municipal council who himself became observant only after he had completed his own army service, says: "Look we know these boys do things they shouldn't, like smoke, or chat up girls. But Rabbi Obadia Yosef [the former Sephardic chief rabbi of Israel, founder and spiritual leader of Shas] wanted us to keep boys like this close to Judaism, close to religion and off the streets. And we don't have a problem if that means they join the army."
At the Yalkut Yosef kindergarten (named after Rabbi Obadia) a class of Ethiopian five-year-olds are lustily singing psalms in Hebrew, to traditional but catchy, fast paced tunes, in front of a big painting of equally happy children at a bumper picnic, its texts a reminder of blessings that those enjoying themselves should give for what they are eating.
The 30 children of the brightly decorated kindergarten, with its two professional teachers, come from culturally as well as economically impoverished backgrounds. The children get free breakfasts and lunches every day, learn the basics of reading and writing, and according to Esther Abutbul, the rabbi's wife who helps to run it, "like it so much they don't want to go home at the end of the day." She says that often the fathers drink while the mothers work 12 hours a day and that one of the tasks is to bring the parents in once a week for classes in subjects like basic science. "These are children who come here not knowing how to listen to a teacher or ask questions. We are preparing them for a normal education."
Both the yeshiva and the kindergarten are financed by the municipality, by Shas's educational network El Hamayan, itself partially funded by state subsidies, and by private donations. And both are well organised responses to a real social need which is not being met directly by the state. But they are also both reminders of how Shas's political support – and therefore its power – is rooted in grass roots social action in the Sephardic communities – not all of them religious – which it serves. As Mr Madizada says, Shas is seeking to bring Ethiopians into its fold in Beit Shyemesh just as its Asheknazy ultra-orthodox equivalent United Torah Judaism "is trying to bring in the Russians".
The way that power – magnified by a pure proportional system which allows small parties to punch above their weight – is being wielded by Shas inside Ehud Olmert's government has now become a hot topic in Israeli politics. For Shas, whose 11 Knesset members are in the coalition, has projected itself as the main brake on Mr Olmert's stated aspirations to negotiate the outlines of a two-state agreement with the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.
Having threatened to walk out of the government if the negotiators so much as discussed the future of Jerusalem – the division of which into two capitals is a sine qua non of such an agreement – the Shas leader Eli Yishai has claimed credit for the decision to build more than 300 new homes in the West Bank settlement of Givat Zeev. This has not only infuriated moderate Palestinians who thought that settlement building would be frozen in accordance with the internationally agreed road map, but has drawn a sharp rebuke from the US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.
It wasn't always quite like this. In the 90s, Rabbi Obadia Yosef – who remains the party's ultimate authority on major policy issues – memorably decreed that the saving of life mattered more than territory. A decade and half later, according to a savage critique by the Haaretz commentator Nehemia Strasler last week, "Shas passes Likud on the right". Mr Strasler, accusing Mr Yishai of becoming "an expert at [political] extortion", made an eloquent if defiantly secular case against modern Shas on issues minor as well as major. It had used its political leverage to stymie attempts to lengthen daylight saving time-at high cost to Israel's economy-to make the Yom Kippur fast "easier". It had recently secured from Mr Olmert an extra £64m as a "political gift to fund its yeshiva students". And whereas it had once been "modest" about military matters, in deference to the fact that the religious young men it supports do not do army service – it had now called for a full-scale military invasion of Gaza as well as also threatening to walk out if there are even indirect negotiations with Hamas.
Mr Strasler did not mention the recent declaration – equally remarkable in the eyes of many secular Israelis – by one of Shas's most prominent Knesset members, Shlomo Benizri, that recent mild earthquakes in the Middle East were caused by Israel's permissiveness towards gays. Unfazed by the fuss caused by his remark – which anyway he must have anticipated – Mr Benizri, himself a rabbi, stood firmly this week by his reference to the third-century Jerusalem Talmud which does indeed cite "sodomy" as one of several reasons for earthquakes. He insists that "I am not proposing to lock up homosexuals or send them to gaol for what they do at home", he explained. Instead he is against the Israeli state – which recently approved adoption by gap couples – legitimising "public acts" by homosexuals.
If nothing else this is in line with Mr Benizri's vigilance about what he worries is an increasingly secular Israeli society. Mr Benizri, who was indicted in 2006 on corruption charges which he vehemently denies, agrees, however that Shas sees no problem in advocating military action "even though we do not educate our sons to be in the army". Himself a former army commander before he became ultra-orthodox, he says that as a participant in government, Shas has the right to talk about any of the big issues of the day.
That these are decided by Rabbi Obadia and a small group of Torah sages – as opposed to lesser matters "on which we make our own professional judgement" – is in his view entirely natural. Yes, the Rabbi in the past had not ruled out the concession of territory for peace. But Mahmoud Abbas had shown "he does not control his people" and in the mean time Jewish building should continue in Arab East Jerusalem and the West Bank settlement blocs "for Israel's security".
As so often in politics, Shas has a less harsh and rhetorical face at local rather than national level, at least in Beit Shemesh. Mr Madizada takes pride in the fact that Shas co-operates with all the other parties in a coalition which leaves a single Labour member in opposition. Saying it is not as religiously extreme as UTJ however, he adds: "That's why people like Shas more. It is easier for non-religious people to deal with us."
Even nationally, Shas is certainly more pragmatic on some religious issues than UTJ. To take a single example, Shas has accepted the compromise with Zionist agriculture that the seven yearly edict against use of the land does not have to be applied super-literally.
But then exercising leverage in government is very much part of what Shas is about. Which leaves the question of why Mr Olmert is so keen to appease Shas, especially when he could at least offset part of their strength by trying to bring into the coalition the five Knesset members of the leftist Meretz, who genuinely support the "painful concessions" Mr Olmert insists he is ready to make in the talks with Mr Abbas. Mr Olmert would only say last night that Meretz will support peace moves whether in or out of the coalition.
But Danny Ben Simon, another Haaretz journalist who has written a book about Shas, says Mr Olmert's dogged preparedness to accommodate the party is in fact a symbol of the "political weakness of the government" in a context in which "nothing is happening". The party has "changed radically" since the 1990s and that while retaining its formidable ability to strengthen its electoral base by using its governmental leverage to "attend to the daily needs of its disciples" has moved from "a social to a political face".
The hawkish former defence minister Moshe Arens was recently even harsher declaring: "Shas knows nothing will come of the negotiations with Abbas. Olmert also knows that nothing will come of them but in the mean time is keeping his coalition together."
Meanwhile back at the Beit Shemesh nursery Mr Madizada insists that voting support is a "result and not a goal" of welfare activities. But as Mrs Abutbul looks for something to write a note on, the piece of paper at hand happens to be a Shas voting slip, of the kind every party distributes to its supporters at election time. It is a small but symbolic reminder of its efficiency at mobilising the grassroots to increase its influence – an influence currently making the faltering efforts to negotiate any kind of an agreement with Mr Abbas even more difficult than they already are.
dimanche 23 mars 2008
The curse of the Nablus dream house
BBC Last Updated: Sunday, 23 March 2008, 08:15 GMT
By Aleem Maqbool BBC News, Nablus
Six years ago, Abdul-Latif Nasif and his two brothers built their family home on one of the hills over-looking the West Bank city of Nablus.
The house has a commanding view over Nablus...It has spectacular views over the city and surrounding area - but that has been its curse.
"This just isn't my home any more," says the 47-year-old Palestinian bank manager, "it might as well belong to the Israeli army."
Less than a month after it was finished, Mr Nasif says Israeli troops banged on the door and came in with dogs and guns, telling all his family to gather in one room.
He says they took control of the upper storeys of the house and used it as a base and observation post as the army invaded Nablus.
"They stuck maps on the wall in my living room and brought computers to make the room like a control room." They stayed for over a month.
Mr Nasif says there was huge relief in his family when the army finally left, but the joy was short-lived.
Magazine spread
Over the last six years, the Israeli army has made frequent incursions into the city, to arrest and kill militants. When it does, the soldiers often return to bang on Mr Nasif's door.
... which makes it a favoured lookout for Israeli soldiers"They come any time they want, in the morning, or in the middle of the night. It scares us." says Mr Nasif. "Sometimes they stay for a night, sometimes for weeks."
"They use anything they want. They have used my bed, my children's beds, the bathrooms, the gas, electricity - everything."
On one occasion, the soldiers took photographs of themselves camped in Mr Nasif's living room and sent the pictures to an Israeli magazine. When they next raided Nablus, they gave Mr Nasif a copy of the magazine.
In total, 22 members of Mr Nasif's family live in the house. They include his five children and 73-year-old mother.
"I don't know what to do, or who to speak to, or where to take my family. Me and my brothers spent all our money building this house, but we are not safe."
Militant history
Mr Nasif says his youngest son, Yusuf, was just 15 days old when the army first came to the house.
"Yusuf is six years old now, and all through his life this has been happening. They were here again just two days ago."
Mr Nasif says the Israeli soldiers sleep on his children's' bedsNablus does have a history of militancy. In the past, perpetrators of bombings in which Israeli civilians were killed, came from the city.
Although those attacks have dramatically decreased in number over recent years, the army says that does not mean attacks are not still being planned. That is why it says it needs to keep on making its raids into Nablus.
But Mr Nasif is upset that he and his family have to suffer.
"When I ask the soldiers to leave us alone, they say I should tell people to stop planning bombings in Israel, but I say it's nothing to do with me. I have done nothing wrong to the state of Israel. We don't deserve this," he says.
Mr Nasif says he has written letters of complaint to the offices of Israeli politicians, but never had a reply.
Mr Nasif says the Israeli soldiers arrive without warningHe said he also sent a letter to the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat asking him to help and complaining to him of the damage the soldiers had caused to his house. Mr Arafat sent him a cheque for $150 (£75) to make repairs.
As to its use of Mr Nasif's house in incursions, the Israeli army says it cannot comment on its operations.
The peace process was re-launched in November, but Mr Nasif says he has not noticed any difference in the frequency of the army raids on Nablus.
He says he still fears the arrival of Israeli troops at any time.
By Aleem Maqbool BBC News, Nablus
Six years ago, Abdul-Latif Nasif and his two brothers built their family home on one of the hills over-looking the West Bank city of Nablus.
The house has a commanding view over Nablus...It has spectacular views over the city and surrounding area - but that has been its curse.
"This just isn't my home any more," says the 47-year-old Palestinian bank manager, "it might as well belong to the Israeli army."
Less than a month after it was finished, Mr Nasif says Israeli troops banged on the door and came in with dogs and guns, telling all his family to gather in one room.
He says they took control of the upper storeys of the house and used it as a base and observation post as the army invaded Nablus.
"They stuck maps on the wall in my living room and brought computers to make the room like a control room." They stayed for over a month.
Mr Nasif says there was huge relief in his family when the army finally left, but the joy was short-lived.
Magazine spread
Over the last six years, the Israeli army has made frequent incursions into the city, to arrest and kill militants. When it does, the soldiers often return to bang on Mr Nasif's door.
... which makes it a favoured lookout for Israeli soldiers"They come any time they want, in the morning, or in the middle of the night. It scares us." says Mr Nasif. "Sometimes they stay for a night, sometimes for weeks."
"They use anything they want. They have used my bed, my children's beds, the bathrooms, the gas, electricity - everything."
On one occasion, the soldiers took photographs of themselves camped in Mr Nasif's living room and sent the pictures to an Israeli magazine. When they next raided Nablus, they gave Mr Nasif a copy of the magazine.
In total, 22 members of Mr Nasif's family live in the house. They include his five children and 73-year-old mother.
"I don't know what to do, or who to speak to, or where to take my family. Me and my brothers spent all our money building this house, but we are not safe."
Militant history
Mr Nasif says his youngest son, Yusuf, was just 15 days old when the army first came to the house.
"Yusuf is six years old now, and all through his life this has been happening. They were here again just two days ago."
Mr Nasif says the Israeli soldiers sleep on his children's' bedsNablus does have a history of militancy. In the past, perpetrators of bombings in which Israeli civilians were killed, came from the city.
Although those attacks have dramatically decreased in number over recent years, the army says that does not mean attacks are not still being planned. That is why it says it needs to keep on making its raids into Nablus.
But Mr Nasif is upset that he and his family have to suffer.
"When I ask the soldiers to leave us alone, they say I should tell people to stop planning bombings in Israel, but I say it's nothing to do with me. I have done nothing wrong to the state of Israel. We don't deserve this," he says.
Mr Nasif says he has written letters of complaint to the offices of Israeli politicians, but never had a reply.
Mr Nasif says the Israeli soldiers arrive without warningHe said he also sent a letter to the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat asking him to help and complaining to him of the damage the soldiers had caused to his house. Mr Arafat sent him a cheque for $150 (£75) to make repairs.
As to its use of Mr Nasif's house in incursions, the Israeli army says it cannot comment on its operations.
The peace process was re-launched in November, but Mr Nasif says he has not noticed any difference in the frequency of the army raids on Nablus.
He says he still fears the arrival of Israeli troops at any time.
samedi 22 mars 2008
The bubbling volcano of teeming old Jerusalem
Haaretz
By Nadav Shragai
Twenty months after the Camp David summit, the present government's approach to Jerusalem is the exact opposite of Ehud Barak's. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon rejects any negotiations over Jerusalem. A few months ago, some government professionals met him to discuss various aspects of division already at work splitting the city. Sharon shouted at them: "For me, gentlemen, you will work hard to reunite it." Barak and his foreign minister, Shlomo Ben-Ami, had the opposite view. They believed that since the city is already divided in many ways, it should be institutionalized in the framework of a permanent agreement with the Palestinians. Barak went to Camp David with three alternative solutions to the Jerusalem problem, all prepared by a team at the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies.
The common denominator of all three proposals was that Arab-populated areas should be transferred to the Palestinian Authority. That would correct the demographic balance, whether moderately or dramatically, in those areas that remained Israeli. Ultimately, Barak agreed to an even more dramatic proposal, based on the division of the city as proposed by then-president Bill Clinton - what's Jewish goes to the Jews, what's Arab goes to the Arabs.
On this 35th Jerusalem Day today, the JIIS, which has become the main non government organization dealing with Jerusalem in its varying aspects, has issued a 200-page report on the Old City. The report is filled with maps and alternative proposals for the city, but it is particularly striking for the enormous amount of sheer data. The institute's Old City committee, headed by Prof. Ruth Lapidot, a former legal advisor to the foreign ministry, mapped in detail the city's 879 dunams of emotions, symbols, and memories.
While the committee (Lapidot, Amnon Ramon, Yisrael Kimche, Ora Ahimeir, Rotem Giladi, Dr. Yiftah Zilberman, Dr. Maya Hoshen, Prof. Avraham Friedman, and Reuven Merhav, with appendices by other experts) says it prepared the report "because the Old City could become a subject in future negotiations," it is not their proposed alternative solutions, which have mostly been published in the past, that is the innovation in their work. Instead it's the sheer compilation of the data - an unprecedented information resource for anyone interested in the state of the Old City and its future. Here, therefore, is a tip-of-the-fork summary of some of the most salient and interest information.
A large Muslim majority
Despite nearly unbearable overcrowding, the Old City is a much sought after place of residence, particularly for weaker segments of the Arab population. The population grew 36 percent between 1967 to 1995. That's an additional 8,500 people. While that is only a quarter of the overall growth of the Arab population of east Jerusalem, it is still more than would be expected in a profoundly overcrowded area.
Some 32,500 people live in the four quarters of the Old City. Some 69 percent are Muslim, 12 percent Jewish, and 17 percent are Christians of various denominations. Not what it used to be The distribution of the ethnic groups does not exactly match the quarters, as it used to. The number of Muslims in the Christian Quarter has doubled since 1967, reaching some 1,000. The number of Jews in the Jewish Quarter grew only by 22 people between 1983 and 1995, reaching 2,900. But the number of Jews living in the Muslim, Christian, and Armenian Quarters grew by 400 during the same period, reaching 500 in the Muslim Quarter and 300 in the Christian Quarter and less than 100 in the Armenian Quarter. Altogether, some 3,800 Jews live in the Old City. Some 100 Muslim families live in the Jewish Quarter, mostly on the edges, in apartments that were designated for expropriation after the 1967 war, as part of the plan for the Jewish Quarter, but were never taken from their owners.
The Lapidot committee's report believes that the population in the Old City must be done on an equitable basis. In other words, "If Jews are allowed to live in non-Jewish quarters, non-Jews should be allowed to live in the Jewish Quarter."
Crowded, very crowded
Population density in the Old City is practically the highest in the country, with 36 people per dunam. But if only the residential area is counted, and public spaces - religious, schools, markets, and other open areas - are discounted, density rises to some 70 people in a dunam, making it one of the most densely populated places in the world. Some 6,000 families live in the Old City. Muslims are 68 percent, Christians 24 percent, and Jews 8 percent. The average Muslim household has 5.3 people, Jewish 4, and Christian 3.7 The Old City has some 5,600 housing units, representing 3.5 percent of all Jerusalem's housing units, filling an area of about 250,000 square meters. The Muslim Quarter is the largest, with 3,300 units. The Christian Quarter has 1,150 units, the Armenian 600, and the Jewish Quarter 550. The average size of an apartment in the Old City is smaller than the overall average for the city. Jews have the largest apartments on average - 75 square meters. In the Muslim Quarter the average size of an apartment is 40 square meters., 42 in the Christian, and 54 in the Armenian.
No planning
Anyone trying to bring any sense of organized planning into the Old City is in for a shock. More than 150 zoning plans have been prepared over the years, but the report, which details all the various types of plans, says that they have nothing to do with reality. "These 150 plans," says the report, "do not reflect in any way the state of planning and construction in the Old City. Inside the Old City's walls there is large-scale construction, practically without any supervision or monitoring by the municipality. The main construction activity is mostly illegal, and often involves destroying and changing the features of sites designated or recommended for preservation. The constitution takes place in courtyards, cellars, in every corner, to meet the pressure of the population's growth. Most of the construction is by individuals, but church institutions, Jews, and Muslims act without much consideration for the principles of preservation. One of the most outstanding examples for that is the construction at the Holy Sepulchre."
A sanctity meter
Holy places have a tendency to proliferate. Especially in Jerusalem. And most especially in the Old City. IN 1949, a list of 30 holy sites was given to the UN. Fifty years later, in 2000, a team of three - a Jewish Israeli, an Armenian Christian and a Muslim Palestinian - prepared a list with no fewer than 326 holy sites. The process of sanctification of a site during such a short period is one of the details in the data base being made available by the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies to policymakers. They've also created a kind of Sanctity Meter, categorizing eight degrees of holiness for sites. Leading the list are the sites named in various international treaties, such as bilateral treaties between Israel and Jordan and the Palestinian Authority, as well as holy sites as designated by the Israeli government ministries, and holy sites with world recognition, like the Temple Mount. In eighth place are "graves and other memorials."
Endangered site
In September 1981, UNESCO's World Heritage Center accepted the Kingdom of Jordan's request to list the Old City and its walls in the list of sites of worldwide cultural heritage, even though Jordan wasn't in control of the city by then. During the debate on Jordan's request, the commission refused to hear the Israeli side. In December 1982, at Jordan's request, Jerusalem was listed as an endangered cultural heritage site, because of growing urbanization in the Old City causing grave damage. In 1995, the list of world cultural heritage sites Jerusalem was no longer listed as Jordanian. Instead, Jerusalem was listed as an independent entity, without a state. On October 1999, Israel joined the UNESCO treaty for the protection of world cultural heritage, giving in a list of 23 such sites in Israel. The list included Jerusalem, but without any details.
Binational police
"Terms like `reason,' `natural order,' `tolerance,' and `patience' do not apply in the Old City," writes former Jerusalem police commander Arye Amit in an appendix to the report. He compares the square kilometer of the Old City to "a volcano, with the lava bubbling away inside, threatening to burst." Lapidot's committee examined a number of ideas for policing the Old City proposed by Amit and Dr. Yiftah Zilberman as alternatives, including:
* Two separate police forces, Israeli and Palestinian, cooperating between them
* A special police guard for the holy sites, to include Israelis, Palestinians, and an independent international force
* A special police force just for the Temple Mount and the Western Wall, headquartered at the Mahkame, on the plaza, where the Israeli police and Border Patrol now have a base. Inside the walls of the Haram a Sharif-Temple Mount, a Palestinian force, under Israeli supervision, would patrol. Security on the walls of the Haram-Temple Mount would be provided by a joint Israeli-Palestinian force. Israeli police would operate outside the walls of the Temple Mount.
* Community patrols focused on contact with the residents. The police would be determined by the ethnicity of the quarter they patrol.
* A special tourism police to be based in all the quarters
Dividing authority, not sovereignty
The report looks at eight different possible solutions to the issue of sovereignty for the Old City and outlines them all, but the two that the committee believes have the best chances of success are:
* Suspension of demands for full territorial sovereignty, while dividing authority according to territorial, personal, and functional purposes. One version of this solution says that God is the sovereign in the Old City.
* Each side presents its demands for sovereignty, and the other sides rejects it. Despite the differences over the issue of sovereignty, the sides agree to a detailed division of authority between them. The committee rejects any notion of dividing sovereignty inside the Old City, calling it an "undesirable solution that would damage the function and special nature of the Old City."
Christians moving out
The study says that one of the slogans that spread in Bethlehem during the first intifada was "After Saturday comes Sunday..." which means that after their victory over the Jews, the Muslims would go after the Christians. Inside the Old City, Christian Palestinians sometimes feel threatened as a result of the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and Islamic Movement leaders who regard Christians as fifth columnists and enemies of Islam. Estimates say that some 13,000 Christians live in Jerusalem, but their numbers are dwindling. In 1967 they were 30 percent of the population of the city. Now they are only 17 percent.
Haredim moving in
The prohibition by Jewish Quarter Rabbi Avigdor Nebenzahl to sell secular newspapers in the quarter is a sign of the changing demographics in the area. When the quarter was first repopulated by Jews after 1967, 60 percent were religious and 40 percent were secular. Over the last decade the numbers have changed dramatically. Some 70 percent are Haredim, 25 percent religious-nationalist, and only 5 percent are secular. As a result, the average Jewish family in the Old City is very large. There has also been a dramatic rise in the number of Jewish religious schools in the Old City.
Half the land is Muslim
Yisrael Kimche, from the Lapidot committee, classified four types of land ownership in the Old City: Church-owned, Muslim Waqf-owned, Jewish-owned (meaning state-owned), and privately owned Arab property. Land ownership in the Old City is extremely complex. In effect, most of the property is not registered, but rather owned by virtue of possession. There are many reasons for this - no organized land registry, overcrowded construction, no listings in the Tabu, population movement from area to area inside the Old City, wars and various other events, and of course hundreds of years spent under a variety of rulers. The division of ownership is not precise, but nonetheless, the picture shows that of the 879 dunams of the Old City, 271 dunam are owned by the churches, 200 dunam is privately owned by individual Arabs, the waqf owns 223 dunam and Jews, through the state, own 185. Nearly half the land is owned by Muslims, whether through religious trusts or privately and nearly all the land in Jewish hands is owned by the state - 152 dunam in the Jewish Quarter, 21 dunam at and around David's Tower, 2 dunam at Herod's Gate, and the rest along the northern wall of the Old City. Based on current trends, there are scenarios for the future. Jews will probably continue to purchase properties in a piecemeal patter in the Muslim Quarter, says the report. There is a trend of purchases along Rehov Hagai, in an effort to create contiguity to the Herod's Gate area. The committee strongly recommends that the Old City finally undergo a process of proper land and ownership registration.
The waqf's revival
Like other parts of united Jerusalem, there are networks of Palestinian political control in the Muslim Quarter. Fatah-related elements have established clubs and social institutions in the Muslim Quarter and they bring Palestinian Authority influence to bear in the quarter. The PA has also assumed control over a network of waqfs (religious trusts) essentially annexing them to its Ministry of Trusts. Therefore, while residents of the Muslim Quarter have Israeli identity cards, and live in sovereign Israeli territory, but in their daily lives, they are often required to deal with the Palestinian Authority. In most Middle East countries, the waqf, as an institution, is in decline, and has even faded away in some. But in Jerusalem, and in the Old City in particular, it is flourishing. Dr. Yitzhak Reitner says the waqf's revival in Jerusalem is a result of the government's granting autonomy to the Muslim community, making the waqf a unifying factor for the community in dealing with a non-Muslim government, and the utilization of the waqf as an alternative to Palestinian authority in Jerusalem after 1967. The Islamic Trust has 65 mosques in East Jerusalem, two colleges, two high schools, an elementary school and it conducts night schools for teaching Koran. And some 61 percent of the 90 religious trusts formed between 1967 and 1990, are family owned and operated
Rightist MK to Defense Min.: Tackle illegal Palestinian construction
Haaretz 12:28 23/01/2008
By Nadav Shragai, Haaretz Correspondent
Tags: outposts, Israel, West Bank
National Union-National Religious Party faction whip MK Uri Ariel has urged Defense Minister Ehud Barak to tackle unauthorized Palestinian construction in the West Bank's Area C, which are under full Israeli security and administrative jurisdiction. Ariel submitted to Barak a dossier of aerial photographs, showing dozens of houses that were built without the prior approval of the IDF's Civil Administration. All of them are adjacent to Jewish outposts slated for removal. The information was handed over to Ariel from the National Land Protection Trust, a non-governmental watchdog that monitors Arab construction patterns.
Ariel said that it is outrageous that Jewish outposts are slated for demolition while Arab illegal construction is overlooked. "The prime minister does not even try to pretend the question of the outposts is handled fairly and legally," Ariel said. "It's not law and order which is at stake, but narrow, political, selfish considerations," he added. Echoing Olmert's statement that the existence of illegal outposts is a disgrace, Ariel said that "the real disgrace is that the authorities fail to tackle tens of thousands of illegal constructions in Arab and Bedouin villages." The National Land Protection Trust maintains that there are over 40,000 illegally built houses in Area C, and that the Civil Administration dealt with less than 20 percent of them.
By Nadav Shragai, Haaretz Correspondent
Tags: outposts, Israel, West Bank
National Union-National Religious Party faction whip MK Uri Ariel has urged Defense Minister Ehud Barak to tackle unauthorized Palestinian construction in the West Bank's Area C, which are under full Israeli security and administrative jurisdiction. Ariel submitted to Barak a dossier of aerial photographs, showing dozens of houses that were built without the prior approval of the IDF's Civil Administration. All of them are adjacent to Jewish outposts slated for removal. The information was handed over to Ariel from the National Land Protection Trust, a non-governmental watchdog that monitors Arab construction patterns.
Ariel said that it is outrageous that Jewish outposts are slated for demolition while Arab illegal construction is overlooked. "The prime minister does not even try to pretend the question of the outposts is handled fairly and legally," Ariel said. "It's not law and order which is at stake, but narrow, political, selfish considerations," he added. Echoing Olmert's statement that the existence of illegal outposts is a disgrace, Ariel said that "the real disgrace is that the authorities fail to tackle tens of thousands of illegal constructions in Arab and Bedouin villages." The National Land Protection Trust maintains that there are over 40,000 illegally built houses in Area C, and that the Civil Administration dealt with less than 20 percent of them.
vendredi 21 mars 2008
Jewish Agency's vulnerability underlined
Jerusalem Post Mar 21, 2008 8:22
By HAVIV RETTIG
There is nothing new or dramatic about media leaks indicating that the Jewish Agency is considering restructuring its departments to deal with a budget crunch.
The budget crunch is not new, and not the agency's fault. The nearly 30-percent drop in the value of the dollar is a drastic blow to an organization that solicits all its donors in dollar terms, receives most of its money from American donors and organizations, and spends nearly all its money outside the US.
It is noteworthy that the final tally of dollars the agency takes in each year for Jewish education and welfare programs worldwide has not declined, but has transformed into "designated gifts," where donors, not the agency, decide where the money should go.
The result has been a noticeable decline in activities worldwide - the dollar just doesn't go as far in Israel or Ukraine - and a far more drastic decline in the administrative budget, which faces the dual pressure of the weakened dollar and the picky philanthropist.
Though many spent Thursday breathlessly lambasting the Jewish Agency - Labor MK Ophir Pines-Paz took pains to say the preliminary discussions about restructuring amount to no less than "the bankrupting of Zionism" - it is hard to get too emotional about a budget-conscious agency's plan to trim its administrative overhead.
Why maintain an Education Department emissary in some city across the ocean alongside another Aliya Department emissary? Can't the one do the other's job as well?
One sympathizes with the angry denials from within the agency that merely discussing the closure of the Aliya Department - possibly by redistributing its duties to leaner "external activities" and "internal activities" departments - somehow amounts to a loss of Zionist values.
However, as Jewish officials generally agreed this week, the media leak that revealed the restructuring plans was more dangerous to the agency than the plan itself.
The leak, which billed the new plans as a dramatic shift in Jewish Agency priorities away from the core Zionist value of aliya, appears to have been intended to torpedo the restructuring effort, possibly by someone who would stand to lose their job in a leaner Jewish Agency.
More than one knowledgeable observer of the agency recalled a former Tel Aviv mayor who, when campaigning for a budget increase from the government, would immediately announce the closure of soup kitchens - not city parks or the opera house - due to budgetary constraints.
Such a policy of "shame-based" fundraising, which many say was employed by the Jewish Agency when it threatened last year to shut down the Hebrew education program in the former Soviet Union for lack of funds, is a dangerous road for a donation-based organization to tread.
Judging by the genuine anger with which the senior leadership of the Jewish Agency responded to the leak - agency head Bielski admitted his anger with unusual vehemence - point to a low-ranking official as the source.
But the problem was not the leak itself. The large organizations of the Jewish world leak as abundantly as one might expect from a people so viscerally addicted to "schmoozing." Rather, the problem is that the leak may have unnecessarily dramatized what must remain a serious and professional discussion.
It is not unreasonable to seek to streamline internal administration in order to maintain the level of activities in the field.
The Jewish Agency still spends hundreds of millions of dollars each year on some of the most vulnerable and needy groups in the Jewish world. It is far from perfect, but its detractors, MK Ophir Pines-Paz included, are hardly offering to locate a new source for up to $100m. in lost value to the budget.
The problem, then, is that the agency found itself utterly vulnerable to a simple media leak, without the ability to coherently respond or coordinate its response. For an organization that, because it does not fundraise, is utterly dependent on the goodwill of others, "controlling the message" and knowing how to explain itself is a survival skill no less important than the capacity to streamline itself during a budget crunch.
By HAVIV RETTIG
There is nothing new or dramatic about media leaks indicating that the Jewish Agency is considering restructuring its departments to deal with a budget crunch.
The budget crunch is not new, and not the agency's fault. The nearly 30-percent drop in the value of the dollar is a drastic blow to an organization that solicits all its donors in dollar terms, receives most of its money from American donors and organizations, and spends nearly all its money outside the US.
It is noteworthy that the final tally of dollars the agency takes in each year for Jewish education and welfare programs worldwide has not declined, but has transformed into "designated gifts," where donors, not the agency, decide where the money should go.
The result has been a noticeable decline in activities worldwide - the dollar just doesn't go as far in Israel or Ukraine - and a far more drastic decline in the administrative budget, which faces the dual pressure of the weakened dollar and the picky philanthropist.
Though many spent Thursday breathlessly lambasting the Jewish Agency - Labor MK Ophir Pines-Paz took pains to say the preliminary discussions about restructuring amount to no less than "the bankrupting of Zionism" - it is hard to get too emotional about a budget-conscious agency's plan to trim its administrative overhead.
Why maintain an Education Department emissary in some city across the ocean alongside another Aliya Department emissary? Can't the one do the other's job as well?
One sympathizes with the angry denials from within the agency that merely discussing the closure of the Aliya Department - possibly by redistributing its duties to leaner "external activities" and "internal activities" departments - somehow amounts to a loss of Zionist values.
However, as Jewish officials generally agreed this week, the media leak that revealed the restructuring plans was more dangerous to the agency than the plan itself.
The leak, which billed the new plans as a dramatic shift in Jewish Agency priorities away from the core Zionist value of aliya, appears to have been intended to torpedo the restructuring effort, possibly by someone who would stand to lose their job in a leaner Jewish Agency.
More than one knowledgeable observer of the agency recalled a former Tel Aviv mayor who, when campaigning for a budget increase from the government, would immediately announce the closure of soup kitchens - not city parks or the opera house - due to budgetary constraints.
Such a policy of "shame-based" fundraising, which many say was employed by the Jewish Agency when it threatened last year to shut down the Hebrew education program in the former Soviet Union for lack of funds, is a dangerous road for a donation-based organization to tread.
Judging by the genuine anger with which the senior leadership of the Jewish Agency responded to the leak - agency head Bielski admitted his anger with unusual vehemence - point to a low-ranking official as the source.
But the problem was not the leak itself. The large organizations of the Jewish world leak as abundantly as one might expect from a people so viscerally addicted to "schmoozing." Rather, the problem is that the leak may have unnecessarily dramatized what must remain a serious and professional discussion.
It is not unreasonable to seek to streamline internal administration in order to maintain the level of activities in the field.
The Jewish Agency still spends hundreds of millions of dollars each year on some of the most vulnerable and needy groups in the Jewish world. It is far from perfect, but its detractors, MK Ophir Pines-Paz included, are hardly offering to locate a new source for up to $100m. in lost value to the budget.
The problem, then, is that the agency found itself utterly vulnerable to a simple media leak, without the ability to coherently respond or coordinate its response. For an organization that, because it does not fundraise, is utterly dependent on the goodwill of others, "controlling the message" and knowing how to explain itself is a survival skill no less important than the capacity to streamline itself during a budget crunch.
Messianic Jews: We're subjected to harassment
Members of controversial Jewish sect speak out against ill treatment at hands of religious Jews in wake of blast that severely injured 15-year-old youth belonging to their community
Roni Gal
Ynetnews.com 03.21.08, 09:12
Police are pushing ahead with the investigation into the explosion that wounded a 15-year-old youth in Ariel on Thursday. The explosive device is believed to have been concealed in a gift basket similar to those traditionally exchanged during the Purim holiday. The youth, who belongs to a family of Messianic Jews, is still hospitalized in serious condition at the Beilinson hospital in Petah Tikvah and underwent major surgery well into the early hours of Friday morning. Doctors were forced to sever one of his limbs and warn his eyesight is still in danger.
The Messianic Jewish community has voiced its outrage after initial reports linked the cause of the attack to the youth's religious affiliation. Some are now saying that the community has long since been subjected to harassment by religious Jews.
The explosion occurred around 2:30 pm on Thursday and Magen David Adom medics as well as police officers were immediately dispatched to the scene. Yarkon Area MDA medic, Nir Katua, said that the teen sustained severe neck injuries.
Chief Superintendent Mark Amiel reported that the police department “considers this case a criminal investigation and is examining all possible leads in this matter, including the suspected involvement of a cult.”
"All Messianic Jewish communities are still in shock and pain over the incident," Roni, a family friend, said. "The feeling is really difficult right now. The most important thing is that the youth come out of the operating room and the second thing is that we hope that they will catch the person who did this and condemn the phenomenon."
Roni, also a member of the sect, accompanied the injured teen to the hospital. "Messianic Jews suffer a lot of harassment and from other types of violence – burning down meeting places, pestering (us) at home, the publishing of announcements with featuring our pictures and more."
Roni also said that the primary danger threatening the members of the community came from extremist religious organizations – Muslim and Jewish. "There is always a danger from the religious perspective but the question is: Where does it come from?
"We would really like to believe that it doesn't come from Judaism. Every Messianic Jew is a target for radical Jews and in the past Messianic Jewish synagogues have even been burned down in Israel.
'Dehumanization in newspapers'
Caleb Meyers, the representative of the messianic Jewish community in Israel, explains that: "There is a campaign of harassment against the Messianic Jewish community by radical religious organizations that are trying to create dehumanization – especially in religious newspapers."
Meyers explains that the messianic community, which numbers about 15,000 people in Israel, "sees itself as a legitimate branch of Judaism. The central belief is that the messianic branch is influenced by the Old Testament as well as the New. It's a bridge between the Jewish and Christian worlds and harassment comes from this because it threatens the worldview of extremist religious bodies that want to uniquely define who is a Jew."
According to Meyers, "the teen that was hit was the youngest in a family of six brothers who all served in elite units in the IDF. The vast majority of messianic Jews are drafted into the military."
Roni Gal
Ynetnews.com 03.21.08, 09:12
Police are pushing ahead with the investigation into the explosion that wounded a 15-year-old youth in Ariel on Thursday. The explosive device is believed to have been concealed in a gift basket similar to those traditionally exchanged during the Purim holiday. The youth, who belongs to a family of Messianic Jews, is still hospitalized in serious condition at the Beilinson hospital in Petah Tikvah and underwent major surgery well into the early hours of Friday morning. Doctors were forced to sever one of his limbs and warn his eyesight is still in danger.
The Messianic Jewish community has voiced its outrage after initial reports linked the cause of the attack to the youth's religious affiliation. Some are now saying that the community has long since been subjected to harassment by religious Jews.
The explosion occurred around 2:30 pm on Thursday and Magen David Adom medics as well as police officers were immediately dispatched to the scene. Yarkon Area MDA medic, Nir Katua, said that the teen sustained severe neck injuries.
Chief Superintendent Mark Amiel reported that the police department “considers this case a criminal investigation and is examining all possible leads in this matter, including the suspected involvement of a cult.”
"All Messianic Jewish communities are still in shock and pain over the incident," Roni, a family friend, said. "The feeling is really difficult right now. The most important thing is that the youth come out of the operating room and the second thing is that we hope that they will catch the person who did this and condemn the phenomenon."
Roni, also a member of the sect, accompanied the injured teen to the hospital. "Messianic Jews suffer a lot of harassment and from other types of violence – burning down meeting places, pestering (us) at home, the publishing of announcements with featuring our pictures and more."
Roni also said that the primary danger threatening the members of the community came from extremist religious organizations – Muslim and Jewish. "There is always a danger from the religious perspective but the question is: Where does it come from?
"We would really like to believe that it doesn't come from Judaism. Every Messianic Jew is a target for radical Jews and in the past Messianic Jewish synagogues have even been burned down in Israel.
'Dehumanization in newspapers'
Caleb Meyers, the representative of the messianic Jewish community in Israel, explains that: "There is a campaign of harassment against the Messianic Jewish community by radical religious organizations that are trying to create dehumanization – especially in religious newspapers."
Meyers explains that the messianic community, which numbers about 15,000 people in Israel, "sees itself as a legitimate branch of Judaism. The central belief is that the messianic branch is influenced by the Old Testament as well as the New. It's a bridge between the Jewish and Christian worlds and harassment comes from this because it threatens the worldview of extremist religious bodies that want to uniquely define who is a Jew."
According to Meyers, "the teen that was hit was the youngest in a family of six brothers who all served in elite units in the IDF. The vast majority of messianic Jews are drafted into the military."
US: Israel must stop discriminating against Arab-Americans
State Department says US repeatedly told Israel that Palestinian Americans must be treated like any other US citizen at border crossings; However, Spokesman McCormack says issue is a 'continuing problem'
Associated Press
Ynetnews.com 03.21.08, 01:12
The United States has told Israel repeatedly that Arab-American Palestinians must be treated as American citizens at border crossings or anywhere else, the State Department said Thursday. Still, said spokesman Sean McCormack, "it's a continuing issue. It's a continuing problem."
Second Class?
US warns Palestinian Americans of delays in Israel / Reuters
State Department says Israeli authorities may question US Palestinians on arrival in Jewish state, require them to obtain PA travel documents. US Arab groups: Bush administration saying in effect that Arab Americans are second-class citizens
Full Story
McCormack's comments were in response to question about a letter that Arab-American community leader James Zogby sent to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice that complained of the problem as "an issue for many decades" for Arab-Americans.
"Our view, as expressed by Secretary Rice, former Undersecretary (Nicholas) Burns, former Assistant Secretary Maura Harty, our ambassador, the acting assistant secretary for consulate affairs, recently, and a variety of other people, to the Israeli government is that American citizen is American citizen is American citizen," McCormack said. "There are no second classes…You have a blue American passport, you should be treated like an American citizen."
'Government efforts ultimately ineffective'In an earlier meeting with reporters Thursday, McCormack had said: "We expect all American citizens to be accorded the rights that any other American citizen would be accorded."
In his letter, Zogby, president of the Arab American Institute, wrote that he had "brought this matter to the attention of the Department of State several times, dating back at least 30 years. Past administrations have expressed concern over this matter, but the efforts of our government have been ultimately ineffective."
On Wednesday, the State Department said that Israeli authorities may question Palestinian Americans on arrival in Israel and require them to obtain a Palestinian Authority travel documents.
Associated Press
Ynetnews.com 03.21.08, 01:12
The United States has told Israel repeatedly that Arab-American Palestinians must be treated as American citizens at border crossings or anywhere else, the State Department said Thursday. Still, said spokesman Sean McCormack, "it's a continuing issue. It's a continuing problem."
Second Class?
US warns Palestinian Americans of delays in Israel / Reuters
State Department says Israeli authorities may question US Palestinians on arrival in Jewish state, require them to obtain PA travel documents. US Arab groups: Bush administration saying in effect that Arab Americans are second-class citizens
Full Story
McCormack's comments were in response to question about a letter that Arab-American community leader James Zogby sent to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice that complained of the problem as "an issue for many decades" for Arab-Americans.
"Our view, as expressed by Secretary Rice, former Undersecretary (Nicholas) Burns, former Assistant Secretary Maura Harty, our ambassador, the acting assistant secretary for consulate affairs, recently, and a variety of other people, to the Israeli government is that American citizen is American citizen is American citizen," McCormack said. "There are no second classes…You have a blue American passport, you should be treated like an American citizen."
'Government efforts ultimately ineffective'In an earlier meeting with reporters Thursday, McCormack had said: "We expect all American citizens to be accorded the rights that any other American citizen would be accorded."
In his letter, Zogby, president of the Arab American Institute, wrote that he had "brought this matter to the attention of the Department of State several times, dating back at least 30 years. Past administrations have expressed concern over this matter, but the efforts of our government have been ultimately ineffective."
On Wednesday, the State Department said that Israeli authorities may question Palestinian Americans on arrival in Israel and require them to obtain a Palestinian Authority travel documents.
Top Yesha rabbi says Jewish law forbids renting houses to Arabs
Haaretz 09:46 20/03/2008
By Nadav Shragai, Haaretz Correspondent
Tags: Yesha council, racism, Jews
The chairman of the Yesha rabbinical council and chief rabbi of Kiryat Arba, Rabbi Dov Lior, on Wednesday issued a halakhic ruling stating that it is forbidden by Jewish law to employ Arabs or rent homes to them. In an interview published by "Eretz Israel Shelanu" (Our Land of Israel), to be distributed this Saturday in various synagogues, Lior said that "since this is a matter of endangering souls, it is clear that it is completely forbidden to employ them and rent houses to them in Israel. Their employment is forbidden not only at yeshivas, but at factories, hotels and everywhere." In the interview, Rabbi Lior backed the decision made by the administration of the Mercaz Harav yeshiva in Jerusalem to prevent Prime Minister Ehud Olmert from visiting the school after an Israeli Arab terrorist killed eight students there two weeks ago. "How can you welcome a man who acts against our holy Torah and continues to lead the people of Israel toward great danger?" Lior said.
"They were right in refusing to welcome such a personality in the yeshiva's halls," he added. Rabbi Lior criticized the rabbis who didn't obey Rabbi Abraham Shapira, who instructed Jewish soldiers to refuse orders during the 2005 withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. "If the public had ignored the so-called "rabbis" who came out against these instructions, we may very well have spared the great pain [of the disengagement] from the people of Israel," he said. Recently, several rabbis led by Rabbi Lior have issued a precedent setting halakhic ruling that Israel must shoot civilian populations in areas from whence attacks on Jewish communities originate. Attorney Einat Horvitz from the Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism said in response to the interview that "we view with great concern the wave of calls against Arabs since the terrible terror attack. This is an ever growing phenomenon of racist incitement that distorts Judaism and is also illegal. We call upon the attorney general to shake off his apathy and take action to enforce the laws that prohibit these calls."
By Nadav Shragai, Haaretz Correspondent
Tags: Yesha council, racism, Jews
The chairman of the Yesha rabbinical council and chief rabbi of Kiryat Arba, Rabbi Dov Lior, on Wednesday issued a halakhic ruling stating that it is forbidden by Jewish law to employ Arabs or rent homes to them. In an interview published by "Eretz Israel Shelanu" (Our Land of Israel), to be distributed this Saturday in various synagogues, Lior said that "since this is a matter of endangering souls, it is clear that it is completely forbidden to employ them and rent houses to them in Israel. Their employment is forbidden not only at yeshivas, but at factories, hotels and everywhere." In the interview, Rabbi Lior backed the decision made by the administration of the Mercaz Harav yeshiva in Jerusalem to prevent Prime Minister Ehud Olmert from visiting the school after an Israeli Arab terrorist killed eight students there two weeks ago. "How can you welcome a man who acts against our holy Torah and continues to lead the people of Israel toward great danger?" Lior said.
"They were right in refusing to welcome such a personality in the yeshiva's halls," he added. Rabbi Lior criticized the rabbis who didn't obey Rabbi Abraham Shapira, who instructed Jewish soldiers to refuse orders during the 2005 withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. "If the public had ignored the so-called "rabbis" who came out against these instructions, we may very well have spared the great pain [of the disengagement] from the people of Israel," he said. Recently, several rabbis led by Rabbi Lior have issued a precedent setting halakhic ruling that Israel must shoot civilian populations in areas from whence attacks on Jewish communities originate. Attorney Einat Horvitz from the Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism said in response to the interview that "we view with great concern the wave of calls against Arabs since the terrible terror attack. This is an ever growing phenomenon of racist incitement that distorts Judaism and is also illegal. We call upon the attorney general to shake off his apathy and take action to enforce the laws that prohibit these calls."
Uncovering the truth about Israel
This blog aims to present parts of the reality of Israel and the territories it occupies in the region. It aims at showing the reality behind Israel's ideology and the public relations operations. All comments conflating issues in Palestine and Israel with antisemitic tirades will be ruthlessly suppressed.
jeudi 20 mars 2008
'5 Palestinians die while awaiting treatment in Israel'
Physicians for Human Rights: Delays in issuing entry permits into Israel risk Palestinian patients; Shin Bet: Palestinians bribe doctors to acquire forged documents
Meital Yasur-Beit Or
Ynetnews.com 03.20.08, 21:28
Five Palestinian patients died in recent weeks while awaiting entry permits for treatment in Israel. The five patients were terminally ill, with little hope for recovery. The Physicians For Human Rights advocacy group thus maintains that there was no foreseeable need for the Shin Bet to classify these patients as a “security risk” and deny them entry into Israel for life-saving treatment.
World Condemns
One of the aforementioned patients was a 65-year old woman who died while awaiting emergency surgery to replace a defective pacemaker. Another deceased patient was a 77-year old woman who waited six months for entry permits allowing her to be treated for a cancerous tumor at Tel Aviv’s Sourasky Medical Center.
In another case, a baby girl died while awaiting life-saving treatment for a congenital heart defect at Hadassah Ein Kerem Hospital in Jerusalem. Her parents were not allowed entry into Israel because they were deemed a security risk.
Physicians for Human Rights stated that “these deaths clearly illustrate that the Shin Bet, which often uses security concerns as a hollow excuse to deny patients entry into Israel, holds an unwarranted amount of power and needs to be more closely monitored.”
The advocacy group also noted another case in which delays in attaining entry permits cost a Palestinian patient her life. A 45-year-old Palestinian woman suffering from internal bleeding and an infected spleen could not enter Israel due to the closing of the Erez border crossing, and died of complications at Tel Aviv Sourasky’s Medical Center as a result.
Shin Bet defends policy
Ran Yaron, a member of Physicians For Human Rights, said that ever since the Hamas takeover of Gaza in June 2007, Israel has made it tougher for Gazans to enter Israel for medical treatment. “The State made a pledge to the High Court that it would allow patients entry into Israel for life-saving treatments, but of late even such life-saving procedures are being denied Palestinians, in some instances costing them their lives,” said Yaron.
“These patients await their fate, helpless,” he added, indicating that often such procedures mean the difference between life and death for the critically ill. He also stated that Shin Bet often denies patients entry into Israel “even though it is not conceivable that a sick patient lying in bed could possibly be a security risk.”
A Shin Bet representative stated in response that “Following Hamas’ takeover of the Gaza Strip, Israel grants entry permits for humanitarian reasons alone. Many Palestinians take advantage of this policy and enter Israel using forged medical documents attained by bribing Palestinian doctors. Seeing as terror operatives could easily gain entry into Israel in this manner, this clearly poses a grave security concern for the State of Israel.”
Meital Yasur-Beit Or
Ynetnews.com 03.20.08, 21:28
Five Palestinian patients died in recent weeks while awaiting entry permits for treatment in Israel. The five patients were terminally ill, with little hope for recovery. The Physicians For Human Rights advocacy group thus maintains that there was no foreseeable need for the Shin Bet to classify these patients as a “security risk” and deny them entry into Israel for life-saving treatment.
World Condemns
One of the aforementioned patients was a 65-year old woman who died while awaiting emergency surgery to replace a defective pacemaker. Another deceased patient was a 77-year old woman who waited six months for entry permits allowing her to be treated for a cancerous tumor at Tel Aviv’s Sourasky Medical Center.
In another case, a baby girl died while awaiting life-saving treatment for a congenital heart defect at Hadassah Ein Kerem Hospital in Jerusalem. Her parents were not allowed entry into Israel because they were deemed a security risk.
Physicians for Human Rights stated that “these deaths clearly illustrate that the Shin Bet, which often uses security concerns as a hollow excuse to deny patients entry into Israel, holds an unwarranted amount of power and needs to be more closely monitored.”
The advocacy group also noted another case in which delays in attaining entry permits cost a Palestinian patient her life. A 45-year-old Palestinian woman suffering from internal bleeding and an infected spleen could not enter Israel due to the closing of the Erez border crossing, and died of complications at Tel Aviv Sourasky’s Medical Center as a result.
Shin Bet defends policy
Ran Yaron, a member of Physicians For Human Rights, said that ever since the Hamas takeover of Gaza in June 2007, Israel has made it tougher for Gazans to enter Israel for medical treatment. “The State made a pledge to the High Court that it would allow patients entry into Israel for life-saving treatments, but of late even such life-saving procedures are being denied Palestinians, in some instances costing them their lives,” said Yaron.
“These patients await their fate, helpless,” he added, indicating that often such procedures mean the difference between life and death for the critically ill. He also stated that Shin Bet often denies patients entry into Israel “even though it is not conceivable that a sick patient lying in bed could possibly be a security risk.”
A Shin Bet representative stated in response that “Following Hamas’ takeover of the Gaza Strip, Israel grants entry permits for humanitarian reasons alone. Many Palestinians take advantage of this policy and enter Israel using forged medical documents attained by bribing Palestinian doctors. Seeing as terror operatives could easily gain entry into Israel in this manner, this clearly poses a grave security concern for the State of Israel.”
Palestinian Americans warned of security profiling at B-G Airport
Haaretz 08:28 20.03.2008
By Haaretz Service and News Agencies
Authorities may question Palestinian Americans on arrival in Israel and require them to obtain a Palestinian Authority travel documents, the U.S. State Department said on Wednesday. Israel's airline security also faced a legal challenge Wednesday from a civil rights group charging that its practice of ethnic profiling is racist because it singles out Arabs for tougher treatment, and Arab American groups slammed the government's travel warning as condoning Israel's policies. "American citizens whom Israeli authorities judge may be of Palestinian origin are likely to face additional, and often time consuming, questioning by immigration and border authorities," the State Department said in a travel warning to U.S. citizens.
It added that Israel may require persons judged to have residency status in the West Bank or Gaza to use a Palestinian Authority travel document to transit Israel when entering the West Bank or Gaza, and they may have to depart via the Allenby Bridge to Jordan. James Zogby, president of Washington's Arab American Institute, said the State Department had accurately diagnosed the problem for Palestinian Americans traveling to Israel but had not done enough correct it. At a Supreme Court hearing, civil rights lawyers demanded an end to Israel's airport racial profiling policy, which they say violates Israeli law. Racial profiling is illegal in the U.S., where passengers must be singled out for security checks on a random basis. But some terrorism experts say Israel's measures are effective precisely because they take ethnicity into account - and warn that equality at the airport could cost lives. Israel is considered a prime target for hijackers and other attackers because of the Israel-Palestinian conflict and extremist Islamic rejection of the existence of a Jewish state in the Middle East. Despite that, there hasn't been a successful attack on an Israeli airliner in decades, and experts point to Israel's security procedures as a key factor. Many of the measures are kept secret, but known precautions on Israeli airliners include armored luggage compartments, armed sky marshals and reinforced cockpits. But a key to preventing attacks, experts say, is the screening process on the ground, and that is the focus of the civil rights complaint. Israeli Jews and Arabs get dramatically different treatment when boarding Israeli planes, as anyone who's ever stood in line at Israel's Ben-Gurion International Airport has seen. Hanna Swaid, an Israeli Arab, remembers being strip-searched by gruff security guards and having his luggage taken apart piece by piece 20 years ago before he flew from Israel to London, where he was a post-doctoral student. Today Swaid is an Israeli Arab lawmaker, and he regularly receives complaints from Arab citizens about similar treatment. Swaid said last year a relative, a 25-year-old computer programmer, was not allowed to take his cell phone on a domestic flight, even though Jewish passengers were. He also said he knows of cases in which Arabs who serve in Israel's police or military have been singled out for extra scrutiny. But the court appeal by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel - and any public debate of the policy - are hobbled by the government's refusal to discuss any of the policy's details. In court, the government's attorneys would not reveal the screening criteria or admit that ethnicity was one of them. They agreed to divulge the information only in a closed session that excluded everyone but the judges and themselves. Representatives of Israel's Transport Ministry, Ben-Gurion Airport and the Israel Airports Authority said Wednesday they would not comment before the end of legal proceedings. The next hearing is scheduled for May, and any decision in the case is at least months away. Swaid says he understands the need for security checks. "It's in my interest and that of all the other travelers," he said. "But the screening should be done equally for both Arabs and Jews and be done politely," he said, rather than the humiliating treatment commonplace today. "In what's known as the profiling process, any Arab is seen as a threat, and it's not a good feeling for an Arab to pass through the airport with this tag of being a suspect," he said. "You have to check people, but you have to do it equally and with respect." Swaid said Israel should adopt a model closer to the U.S. policy that bars ethnic profiling and instead relies on random checks and screening based on country of origin. He is now drafting legislation that would change the current policy. Proponents of Israel's approach say checking all passengers equally would require manpower and resources many times greater than are needed today and would needlessly extend the time passengers spend waiting for flights. Ariel Merari, an Israeli terrorism expert who has written about aviation security, said ethnic profiling is both effective and unavoidable. Israeli security personnel must learn to be more courteous, he said, but there is no denying that the policy has played a central role in Israel's enviable record: The only time an El Al airplane was hijacked was in 1968, and the last time hijackers succeeded in boarding one of its planes was in 1970. Then the hijackers, a Palestinian woman and a Nicaraguan, were foiled by sky marshals, an innovation at the time. "It's foolishness not to use profiles when you know that most terrorists come from certain ethnic groups and certain age groups," he said. A bomber on a plane is likely to be Muslim and young, not an elderly Holocaust survivor. We're talking about preventing a lot of casualties, and that justifies inconveniencing a certain ethnic group
By Haaretz Service and News Agencies
Authorities may question Palestinian Americans on arrival in Israel and require them to obtain a Palestinian Authority travel documents, the U.S. State Department said on Wednesday. Israel's airline security also faced a legal challenge Wednesday from a civil rights group charging that its practice of ethnic profiling is racist because it singles out Arabs for tougher treatment, and Arab American groups slammed the government's travel warning as condoning Israel's policies. "American citizens whom Israeli authorities judge may be of Palestinian origin are likely to face additional, and often time consuming, questioning by immigration and border authorities," the State Department said in a travel warning to U.S. citizens.
It added that Israel may require persons judged to have residency status in the West Bank or Gaza to use a Palestinian Authority travel document to transit Israel when entering the West Bank or Gaza, and they may have to depart via the Allenby Bridge to Jordan. James Zogby, president of Washington's Arab American Institute, said the State Department had accurately diagnosed the problem for Palestinian Americans traveling to Israel but had not done enough correct it. At a Supreme Court hearing, civil rights lawyers demanded an end to Israel's airport racial profiling policy, which they say violates Israeli law. Racial profiling is illegal in the U.S., where passengers must be singled out for security checks on a random basis. But some terrorism experts say Israel's measures are effective precisely because they take ethnicity into account - and warn that equality at the airport could cost lives. Israel is considered a prime target for hijackers and other attackers because of the Israel-Palestinian conflict and extremist Islamic rejection of the existence of a Jewish state in the Middle East. Despite that, there hasn't been a successful attack on an Israeli airliner in decades, and experts point to Israel's security procedures as a key factor. Many of the measures are kept secret, but known precautions on Israeli airliners include armored luggage compartments, armed sky marshals and reinforced cockpits. But a key to preventing attacks, experts say, is the screening process on the ground, and that is the focus of the civil rights complaint. Israeli Jews and Arabs get dramatically different treatment when boarding Israeli planes, as anyone who's ever stood in line at Israel's Ben-Gurion International Airport has seen. Hanna Swaid, an Israeli Arab, remembers being strip-searched by gruff security guards and having his luggage taken apart piece by piece 20 years ago before he flew from Israel to London, where he was a post-doctoral student. Today Swaid is an Israeli Arab lawmaker, and he regularly receives complaints from Arab citizens about similar treatment. Swaid said last year a relative, a 25-year-old computer programmer, was not allowed to take his cell phone on a domestic flight, even though Jewish passengers were. He also said he knows of cases in which Arabs who serve in Israel's police or military have been singled out for extra scrutiny. But the court appeal by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel - and any public debate of the policy - are hobbled by the government's refusal to discuss any of the policy's details. In court, the government's attorneys would not reveal the screening criteria or admit that ethnicity was one of them. They agreed to divulge the information only in a closed session that excluded everyone but the judges and themselves. Representatives of Israel's Transport Ministry, Ben-Gurion Airport and the Israel Airports Authority said Wednesday they would not comment before the end of legal proceedings. The next hearing is scheduled for May, and any decision in the case is at least months away. Swaid says he understands the need for security checks. "It's in my interest and that of all the other travelers," he said. "But the screening should be done equally for both Arabs and Jews and be done politely," he said, rather than the humiliating treatment commonplace today. "In what's known as the profiling process, any Arab is seen as a threat, and it's not a good feeling for an Arab to pass through the airport with this tag of being a suspect," he said. "You have to check people, but you have to do it equally and with respect." Swaid said Israel should adopt a model closer to the U.S. policy that bars ethnic profiling and instead relies on random checks and screening based on country of origin. He is now drafting legislation that would change the current policy. Proponents of Israel's approach say checking all passengers equally would require manpower and resources many times greater than are needed today and would needlessly extend the time passengers spend waiting for flights. Ariel Merari, an Israeli terrorism expert who has written about aviation security, said ethnic profiling is both effective and unavoidable. Israeli security personnel must learn to be more courteous, he said, but there is no denying that the policy has played a central role in Israel's enviable record: The only time an El Al airplane was hijacked was in 1968, and the last time hijackers succeeded in boarding one of its planes was in 1970. Then the hijackers, a Palestinian woman and a Nicaraguan, were foiled by sky marshals, an innovation at the time. "It's foolishness not to use profiles when you know that most terrorists come from certain ethnic groups and certain age groups," he said. A bomber on a plane is likely to be Muslim and young, not an elderly Holocaust survivor. We're talking about preventing a lot of casualties, and that justifies inconveniencing a certain ethnic group
Rabbi Lior speaks out against hiring of Arabs
Kiryat Arba rabbi rules Jews must not employ or rent houses to Arabs, following murderous terror attack at Mercaz Harav yeshiva
Efrat Weiss
Ynetnews.com 20.3.2008
"It is strictly prohibited to hire Arabs, or to rent houses on Israeli land to them," head of the Yesha Rabbis Council and chief rabbi of Kiryat Arba and Hebron, Rabbi Dov Lior ruled this week.
"Their employment is out of the question, not only in the yeshivas but also in hotels or factories; basically anywhere," he added.
Lior's statement comes a week after senior Lithuanian Rabbi Chaim Kanievsky ruled that Arabs were not to be hired at all, and especially in yeshivas.
In an interview for the pamphlet 'Our Land of Israel', of which about 100,000 copies are expected to be handed out this weekend in synagogues throughout Israel, Lior remarked that he expects the "difficult situation in the country" to deteriorate further in the near future.
He accused the Palestinian leaders of destroying houses and burning settlements without remorse, while Israeli leaders deny their citizens the right of building in Jerusalem and discuss giving Israeli territory away to the enemy.
The pamphlet is published by the World Headquarters to Save the People and Land of Israel.
Ahead of the Purim holiday, and following the attack on Mercaz Harav yeshiva in Jerusalem, in which eight students were killed, Lior said: "It was said to Mordecai not to kneel or prostrate himself, in the future tense. We should continue along Mordecai's path, and never surrender to murderous terrorism. Only if we stand strong can we defeat and cancel Haman's edict in future generations."
Lior calls for refusal in army
Lior related to the yeshiva heads' refusal to welcome Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's condolence visit. Lior supported their actions, and stated that Olmert is working against the Torah and leading his nation to great danger.
"How can one respect such a man?" he asked. "Until now he has never expressed regret for his anti-Israeli actions, and still they plan their (peace) conference, as they call it. Meanwhile he has been stopped from actively carrying out his destructive scheme, but they are still aiming for it. For this reason the yeshiva heads were correct in rejecting his visit."
He also commented on the halachic ruling that endorses military action against rocket launching sites, even when it endangers civilians. "There is no term in the Halacha that states one must consider innocents during war. Of course we must stop terrorists from shooting, even if the only way to do so includes harming civilians."
Once again, Lior called on IDF soldiers to refuse any orders to evacuate settlements. "We must inform IDF commanders that we will refuse to carry out orders that are illegal according to the laws of the Torah, and which involve evacuating settlements and giving away our forefathers' lands to our enemies."
Efrat Weiss
Ynetnews.com 20.3.2008
"It is strictly prohibited to hire Arabs, or to rent houses on Israeli land to them," head of the Yesha Rabbis Council and chief rabbi of Kiryat Arba and Hebron, Rabbi Dov Lior ruled this week.
"Their employment is out of the question, not only in the yeshivas but also in hotels or factories; basically anywhere," he added.
Lior's statement comes a week after senior Lithuanian Rabbi Chaim Kanievsky ruled that Arabs were not to be hired at all, and especially in yeshivas.
In an interview for the pamphlet 'Our Land of Israel', of which about 100,000 copies are expected to be handed out this weekend in synagogues throughout Israel, Lior remarked that he expects the "difficult situation in the country" to deteriorate further in the near future.
He accused the Palestinian leaders of destroying houses and burning settlements without remorse, while Israeli leaders deny their citizens the right of building in Jerusalem and discuss giving Israeli territory away to the enemy.
The pamphlet is published by the World Headquarters to Save the People and Land of Israel.
Ahead of the Purim holiday, and following the attack on Mercaz Harav yeshiva in Jerusalem, in which eight students were killed, Lior said: "It was said to Mordecai not to kneel or prostrate himself, in the future tense. We should continue along Mordecai's path, and never surrender to murderous terrorism. Only if we stand strong can we defeat and cancel Haman's edict in future generations."
Lior calls for refusal in army
Lior related to the yeshiva heads' refusal to welcome Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's condolence visit. Lior supported their actions, and stated that Olmert is working against the Torah and leading his nation to great danger.
"How can one respect such a man?" he asked. "Until now he has never expressed regret for his anti-Israeli actions, and still they plan their (peace) conference, as they call it. Meanwhile he has been stopped from actively carrying out his destructive scheme, but they are still aiming for it. For this reason the yeshiva heads were correct in rejecting his visit."
He also commented on the halachic ruling that endorses military action against rocket launching sites, even when it endangers civilians. "There is no term in the Halacha that states one must consider innocents during war. Of course we must stop terrorists from shooting, even if the only way to do so includes harming civilians."
Once again, Lior called on IDF soldiers to refuse any orders to evacuate settlements. "We must inform IDF commanders that we will refuse to carry out orders that are illegal according to the laws of the Torah, and which involve evacuating settlements and giving away our forefathers' lands to our enemies."
NGOs Demand Cancellation of Nomination of Racist Yoel Lavi as Director of Israel Land Administration
Written by Adalah
Thursday, 20 March 2008
Yoel Lavi, who has a long history of racist statments and actions against Palestinian citizens of Israel, was named to the position of Director of the Israel Land Administration (ILA).
On 10 March 2008, human rights and social change organizations sent an urgent letter to Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, the Minister of Construction and Housing Ze’ev Boim and the Attorney General Menachem Mazuz demanding the cancellation of the candidacy of Yoel Lavi to the position of Director of the Israel Land Administration (ILA) on the grounds that, as the mayor of the mixed Arab-Jewish city of Ramle for the last fifteen years, he has made racist statements on numerous occasions against Arab citizens of Israel. Lavi’s statements and racist opinions against Arabs have been met with protests, and the Hebrew and Arabic-language press have published articles and reports condemning his statements and declaring a lack of trust in him.
The organizations, which include Shatil’s mixed cities project, al-Dar, Adalah, The Association for Distributive Justice, and the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, argued that Lavi’s nomination as Director of the ILA is irrational and illogical and listed the problems associated with his nomination. The ILA is a governmental body, established under the law. Among its various responsibilities it the management of what are known as “state lands”, with honesty, integrity and sincerity, while abiding to the principle of just distribution.
As the organizations argued, “Yoel Lavi’s opinions are without any doubt racist and hostile towards Arab citizens in general and the Arab residents of Ramle in particular. We question Lavi’s ability to direct the ILA and to carry the burden of trust invested in the person who directs one of the most important and influential bodies in Israel.”
One of the most notorious racist remarks made recently by Lavi in 2006 came in response to a request made by an Arab citizens’ group in Ramle to change the names of some city streets that now have Hebrew or Jewish names to Arabic names. When asked about the request, Lavi reportedly told reporter Ron Feinreich of the Ayalon newspaper, “Why should I change the name, because Jamal wants to change the name? Because Ahmad wants to change the name? He should change his god. They all should go get [expletive deleted]. ... If Arabs don’t like it, they can go to Jaljulia.”
Mr. Lavi ran and was elected mayor of Ramle as a member of the Likud political party and in March 2006 he switched his affiliation and became a member of Kadima. He is clearly a political figure, whose opinions and party affiliations are not conducive or appropriate for a position that requires dealing with requests and applications from the public.
The organizations further argued that the logic governing democratic and sound governance dictates the appointment of a person who possesses the ability to avoid and avert problems arising from discriminatory and arbitrary policies. “The person who holds this position must be decent, professional and neutral (i.e., not aligned with a political party), as a person without these characteristics will be unable to obtain the trust of citizens. Therefore, the appointment of Yoel Lavi to this position, given that the issue of land lies at the heart of the Arab-Israeli conflict, contradicts common sense, and the principle of democratic and sound governance.”
Thursday, 20 March 2008
Yoel Lavi, who has a long history of racist statments and actions against Palestinian citizens of Israel, was named to the position of Director of the Israel Land Administration (ILA).
On 10 March 2008, human rights and social change organizations sent an urgent letter to Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, the Minister of Construction and Housing Ze’ev Boim and the Attorney General Menachem Mazuz demanding the cancellation of the candidacy of Yoel Lavi to the position of Director of the Israel Land Administration (ILA) on the grounds that, as the mayor of the mixed Arab-Jewish city of Ramle for the last fifteen years, he has made racist statements on numerous occasions against Arab citizens of Israel. Lavi’s statements and racist opinions against Arabs have been met with protests, and the Hebrew and Arabic-language press have published articles and reports condemning his statements and declaring a lack of trust in him.
The organizations, which include Shatil’s mixed cities project, al-Dar, Adalah, The Association for Distributive Justice, and the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, argued that Lavi’s nomination as Director of the ILA is irrational and illogical and listed the problems associated with his nomination. The ILA is a governmental body, established under the law. Among its various responsibilities it the management of what are known as “state lands”, with honesty, integrity and sincerity, while abiding to the principle of just distribution.
As the organizations argued, “Yoel Lavi’s opinions are without any doubt racist and hostile towards Arab citizens in general and the Arab residents of Ramle in particular. We question Lavi’s ability to direct the ILA and to carry the burden of trust invested in the person who directs one of the most important and influential bodies in Israel.”
One of the most notorious racist remarks made recently by Lavi in 2006 came in response to a request made by an Arab citizens’ group in Ramle to change the names of some city streets that now have Hebrew or Jewish names to Arabic names. When asked about the request, Lavi reportedly told reporter Ron Feinreich of the Ayalon newspaper, “Why should I change the name, because Jamal wants to change the name? Because Ahmad wants to change the name? He should change his god. They all should go get [expletive deleted]. ... If Arabs don’t like it, they can go to Jaljulia.”
Mr. Lavi ran and was elected mayor of Ramle as a member of the Likud political party and in March 2006 he switched his affiliation and became a member of Kadima. He is clearly a political figure, whose opinions and party affiliations are not conducive or appropriate for a position that requires dealing with requests and applications from the public.
The organizations further argued that the logic governing democratic and sound governance dictates the appointment of a person who possesses the ability to avoid and avert problems arising from discriminatory and arbitrary policies. “The person who holds this position must be decent, professional and neutral (i.e., not aligned with a political party), as a person without these characteristics will be unable to obtain the trust of citizens. Therefore, the appointment of Yoel Lavi to this position, given that the issue of land lies at the heart of the Arab-Israeli conflict, contradicts common sense, and the principle of democratic and sound governance.”
Israeli High Court Petition on Route 443 - Provides Approval for Separation and Discrimination
Written by Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI)
Thursday, 20 March 2008
The meaning of the (Israeli) High Court decision regarding the petition of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel in the matter of Route 443, which prohibits travel on this road by Palestinians: for the first time in its history, the Israeli High Court gave a decision that provides approval for separate roads for Palestinians and Israelis, with no security need and in blatant violation of the laws of occupation.
On 5 March 2008, the (Israeli) High Court held a hearing of the petition submitted by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) against the Minister of Defence, the Central Military Commander and Commander of the Binyamin Division, in the wake of the demand to annul the prohibition placed on Palestinians from traveling on Route 443. The petition was submitted by ACRI Attorney Lee in March 2007, on behalf of residents of the six Palestinian villages adjacent to Route 443, whose daily life has been badly affected by this prohibition of travel, which is the primary and sole road in their area. The petitioners are only a small part of the entire Palestinian population badly affected by the closing of this road to them.
The petition was heard by President of the Israeli High Court, Dorit Beinish and Judges Edmund Levy and Uzi Fogelman. At the conclusion of the hearing, the court gave an interim decision that the Respondents must update the court within six months on progress in paving the “fabric of life” road. This decision essentially provides a green light to the military to pave separate roads for Palestinians, which means—unprecedented provision by the High Court for polices of separation and discrimination in movement, a policy that has already been dubbed “apartheid.” If the judges had indeed intended, as they are obligated to do, to seriously weigh the legal argument raised by the petition, there would have been no reason to approve the continued paving of the “fabric of life” road, which entails the additional confiscation and destruction of land and costs of tens of millions of shekels. For the first time in its history, the Israeli High Court gave a decision that provides approval for separate roads for Palestinians and Israelis, with no security need and in blatant violation of the laws of occupation. It should be recalled that this is not a decision given in the interim stages of litigation, but only after both sides rested.
Route 443 was paved on lands confiscated from Palestinian residents, maintaining that it was required for the transportation needs of the Palestinians in the West Bank. The road did indeed serve the Palestinians for a period of time, but from 2000 began a gradual process of transforming the road into one for Israelis only. This is in total contradiction to international law, which permits land confiscation only for the needs of the local population or for protecting the forces of the occupier.
In a hearing of the petition, ACRI attorneys Limor Yehuda and Dan Yakir noted that Route 443 primarily serves the residents of Israel in connecting between Jerusalem and the coastal region, the goal of which is the comfort of the these drivers, and has no connection to security needs. With the approval provided by the military commander for improper use of private lands confiscated from the Palestinian residents, he deviated from his legal authority both under Israeli law and international law. With the approval given by the judges to the commander for paving bypass roads for the Palestinians, for the first time in its history they are approving a policy of separation on the basis of group belonging, through discrimination against the protected residents of the occupied territory.
ACRI expresses deep concern about the decision of the Israeli High Court judges, not only because of its content, which as noted means approving an illegal and immoral policy that is most dangerous, in a manner that could be a precedent for approving additional expansive and grave violations of human rights, if only because of the renunciation of any appropriate judicial process: even though this is a substantive decision, it was given without any reasons and by completely ignoring the primary arguments raised by the petitioners. In this, the decision violates the right of the petitioners to receive a ruling in their case, and to receive a detailed response by the court to the question of whether the actions of the respondents today, and not in some future time, are or are not legal.
ACRI further emphasizes that the fabric of life road, that is intended to provide an alternative for the Palestinian residents of the region, leaves hundreds of thousands of residents in the area without appropriate answers for their transportation needs.
(Originally published in Hebrew by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel , translated to English by the Alternative Information Center).
Thursday, 20 March 2008
The meaning of the (Israeli) High Court decision regarding the petition of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel in the matter of Route 443, which prohibits travel on this road by Palestinians: for the first time in its history, the Israeli High Court gave a decision that provides approval for separate roads for Palestinians and Israelis, with no security need and in blatant violation of the laws of occupation.
On 5 March 2008, the (Israeli) High Court held a hearing of the petition submitted by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) against the Minister of Defence, the Central Military Commander and Commander of the Binyamin Division, in the wake of the demand to annul the prohibition placed on Palestinians from traveling on Route 443. The petition was submitted by ACRI Attorney Lee in March 2007, on behalf of residents of the six Palestinian villages adjacent to Route 443, whose daily life has been badly affected by this prohibition of travel, which is the primary and sole road in their area. The petitioners are only a small part of the entire Palestinian population badly affected by the closing of this road to them.
The petition was heard by President of the Israeli High Court, Dorit Beinish and Judges Edmund Levy and Uzi Fogelman. At the conclusion of the hearing, the court gave an interim decision that the Respondents must update the court within six months on progress in paving the “fabric of life” road. This decision essentially provides a green light to the military to pave separate roads for Palestinians, which means—unprecedented provision by the High Court for polices of separation and discrimination in movement, a policy that has already been dubbed “apartheid.” If the judges had indeed intended, as they are obligated to do, to seriously weigh the legal argument raised by the petition, there would have been no reason to approve the continued paving of the “fabric of life” road, which entails the additional confiscation and destruction of land and costs of tens of millions of shekels. For the first time in its history, the Israeli High Court gave a decision that provides approval for separate roads for Palestinians and Israelis, with no security need and in blatant violation of the laws of occupation. It should be recalled that this is not a decision given in the interim stages of litigation, but only after both sides rested.
Route 443 was paved on lands confiscated from Palestinian residents, maintaining that it was required for the transportation needs of the Palestinians in the West Bank. The road did indeed serve the Palestinians for a period of time, but from 2000 began a gradual process of transforming the road into one for Israelis only. This is in total contradiction to international law, which permits land confiscation only for the needs of the local population or for protecting the forces of the occupier.
In a hearing of the petition, ACRI attorneys Limor Yehuda and Dan Yakir noted that Route 443 primarily serves the residents of Israel in connecting between Jerusalem and the coastal region, the goal of which is the comfort of the these drivers, and has no connection to security needs. With the approval provided by the military commander for improper use of private lands confiscated from the Palestinian residents, he deviated from his legal authority both under Israeli law and international law. With the approval given by the judges to the commander for paving bypass roads for the Palestinians, for the first time in its history they are approving a policy of separation on the basis of group belonging, through discrimination against the protected residents of the occupied territory.
ACRI expresses deep concern about the decision of the Israeli High Court judges, not only because of its content, which as noted means approving an illegal and immoral policy that is most dangerous, in a manner that could be a precedent for approving additional expansive and grave violations of human rights, if only because of the renunciation of any appropriate judicial process: even though this is a substantive decision, it was given without any reasons and by completely ignoring the primary arguments raised by the petitioners. In this, the decision violates the right of the petitioners to receive a ruling in their case, and to receive a detailed response by the court to the question of whether the actions of the respondents today, and not in some future time, are or are not legal.
ACRI further emphasizes that the fabric of life road, that is intended to provide an alternative for the Palestinian residents of the region, leaves hundreds of thousands of residents in the area without appropriate answers for their transportation needs.
(Originally published in Hebrew by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel , translated to English by the Alternative Information Center).
Rights group says airport's racial profiling violates Israeli law
By The Associated Press 20/3/2008
Airline security faced a legal challenge yesterday from a civil rights group charging that its practice of ethnic profiling is racist because it singles out Arabs for tougher treatment. At a Supreme Court hearing, civil rights lawyers demanded an end to the policy, which they say violates Israeli law. Such profiling is illegal in the U.S., where passengers must be singled out for security checks on a random basis.
But some terrorism experts say Israel's measures are effective precisely because they take ethnicity into account - and warn that equality at the airport could cost lives. No attacks in decades Israel is considered a prime target for hijackers and other attackers because of the Israel-Palestinian conflict and extremist Islamic rejection of the existence of a Jewish state in the Middle East. Despite that, there hasn't been a successful attack on an Israeli airliner in decades, and experts point to Israel's security procedures as a key factor. Many of the measures are kept secret, but known precautions on Israeli airliners include armored luggage compartments, armed sky marshals and reinforced cockpits. But a key to preventing attacks, experts say, is the screening process on the ground, and that is the focus of the civil rights complaint. Israeli Jews and Arabs get dramatically different treatment when boarding Israeli planes, as anyone who's ever stood in line at Ben-Gurion International Airport has seen. Hanna Swaid, an Israeli Arab, remembers being strip-searched by gruff security guards and having his luggage taken apart piece by piece 20 years ago before he flew from Israel to London, where he was a post-doctoral student. Today Swaid is an Israeli-Arab lawmaker, and he regularly receives complaints from Arab citizens about similar treatment. Swaid said last year a relative, a 25-year-old computer programmer, was not allowed to take his cell phone on a domestic flight, even though Jewish passengers were. He also said he knows of cases in which Arabs who serve in Israel's police or military have been singled out for extra scrutiny. Refusal to discuss But the court appeal by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel - and any public debate of the policy - are hobbled by the government's refusal to discuss any of the policy's details. Proponents of Israel's approach say checking all passengers equally would require manpower and resources many times greater than are needed today and would needlessly extend the time passengers spend waiting for flights. Ariel Merari, an Israeli terrorism expert who has written about aviation security, said ethnic profiling is both effective and unavoidable. Israeli security personnel must learn to be more courteous, he said, but there is no denying that the policy has played a central role in Israel's enviable record: The only time an El Al airplane was hijacked was in 1968, and the last time hijackers succeeded in boarding one of its planes was in 1970. Then the hijackers, a Palestinian woman and a Nicaraguan, were foiled by sky marshals, an innovation at the time.
"It's foolishness not to use profiles when you know that most terrorists come from certain ethnic groups and certain age groups," he said. "A bomber on a plane is likely to be Muslim and young, not an elderly Holocaust survivor. We're talking about preventing a lot of casualties, and that justifies inconveniencing a certain ethnic group."
Airline security faced a legal challenge yesterday from a civil rights group charging that its practice of ethnic profiling is racist because it singles out Arabs for tougher treatment. At a Supreme Court hearing, civil rights lawyers demanded an end to the policy, which they say violates Israeli law. Such profiling is illegal in the U.S., where passengers must be singled out for security checks on a random basis.
But some terrorism experts say Israel's measures are effective precisely because they take ethnicity into account - and warn that equality at the airport could cost lives. No attacks in decades Israel is considered a prime target for hijackers and other attackers because of the Israel-Palestinian conflict and extremist Islamic rejection of the existence of a Jewish state in the Middle East. Despite that, there hasn't been a successful attack on an Israeli airliner in decades, and experts point to Israel's security procedures as a key factor. Many of the measures are kept secret, but known precautions on Israeli airliners include armored luggage compartments, armed sky marshals and reinforced cockpits. But a key to preventing attacks, experts say, is the screening process on the ground, and that is the focus of the civil rights complaint. Israeli Jews and Arabs get dramatically different treatment when boarding Israeli planes, as anyone who's ever stood in line at Ben-Gurion International Airport has seen. Hanna Swaid, an Israeli Arab, remembers being strip-searched by gruff security guards and having his luggage taken apart piece by piece 20 years ago before he flew from Israel to London, where he was a post-doctoral student. Today Swaid is an Israeli-Arab lawmaker, and he regularly receives complaints from Arab citizens about similar treatment. Swaid said last year a relative, a 25-year-old computer programmer, was not allowed to take his cell phone on a domestic flight, even though Jewish passengers were. He also said he knows of cases in which Arabs who serve in Israel's police or military have been singled out for extra scrutiny. Refusal to discuss But the court appeal by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel - and any public debate of the policy - are hobbled by the government's refusal to discuss any of the policy's details. Proponents of Israel's approach say checking all passengers equally would require manpower and resources many times greater than are needed today and would needlessly extend the time passengers spend waiting for flights. Ariel Merari, an Israeli terrorism expert who has written about aviation security, said ethnic profiling is both effective and unavoidable. Israeli security personnel must learn to be more courteous, he said, but there is no denying that the policy has played a central role in Israel's enviable record: The only time an El Al airplane was hijacked was in 1968, and the last time hijackers succeeded in boarding one of its planes was in 1970. Then the hijackers, a Palestinian woman and a Nicaraguan, were foiled by sky marshals, an innovation at the time.
"It's foolishness not to use profiles when you know that most terrorists come from certain ethnic groups and certain age groups," he said. "A bomber on a plane is likely to be Muslim and young, not an elderly Holocaust survivor. We're talking about preventing a lot of casualties, and that justifies inconveniencing a certain ethnic group."
mercredi 19 mars 2008
Int'l Agunot Day: 'I want women to know it's not a mitzva to suffer in silence'
Jerusalem Post Mar 19, 2008 0:12
By RUTH EGLASH
Four days before International Aguna Day is marked worldwide and nine years after first filing for a get - or writ of divorce - from her long-time spouse, Zehava (not her real name) was celebrating Tuesday after hearing the day before that the Rabbinic Courts had finally forced her estranged husband to dissolve their marriage.
"They should have done this a long time ago," she told The Jerusalem Post Tuesday, adding, "Words can't express how I feel right now. It still doesn't feel real."
Zehava said she was just happy that someone in the rabbinate had finally taken the time to read her case through properly and recognize the pain suffered for many years by her and her two children.
According to Jewish law, a woman cannot remarry until her husband agrees to give her a get. Women waiting for an intransigent husband to give a get are known as agunot, or "chained" women. If agunot do marry without receiving a get from their previous husbands, the children born of the second marriage are considered illegitimate, or mamzerim, and are forbidden to marry.
The International Coalition of Aguna Rights (ICAR), which represents an affiliation of 27 organizations working to find a solution to the problem of women whose husbands are unable or unwilling to grant them a Jewish divorce, estimate that hundreds of women in Israel are currently caught in such limbo.
Activists for aguna rights will march at noon on Wednesday from the rabbinical courts in downtown Jerusalem to the Knesset to raise awareness about the issue. International Aguna Day is marked annually on Ta'anit Esther, 13 Adar-Bet according to the Hebrew calendar.
In her interview with the Post, Zehava described how she had put up with years of physical, verbal and emotional abuse at the hands of her husband, and how even after filing for a divorce in 1999, he kept insisting to the rabbinic judges that the couple could rebuild their relationship and work on 'shalom bayit' [domestic reconciliation].
"For the first 20 years I did keep forgiving him and going back to him," she said. "I suffered his abuse in silence and he never thought that I would ever stand up to him. When I finally filed for a divorce, he was shocked and begged for my forgiveness. He claimed he wanted us to try and work things out."
But Zehava refused and continued to press on with the divorce proceedings. For the first four years, however, she was forced to continue living in the same house as her husband. He only agreed to move out after she bought out his share of the property in 2003.
"I would walk the streets after work so that I would not have to go home, and on Shabbat and festivals I would go to friend's houses," she recalled to the Post.
In 2006, the rabbinate decided that the case could not be solved and closed the couple's file, leaving Zehava still married but separated. That was when she turned to non-profit organization Yad La'Isha, one of the ICAR affiliates, which provided her with legal counsel to re-open the case and finally put an end to her suffering this week.
"I want all women to know that it is not a mitzva to suffer in silence," said Zehava. "I urge them to speak out and seek help any way they can."
"Women go into a marriage of their own free will and they should be allowed to leave a marriage in the same way," said Robyn Shames, executive director of ICAR, who is also familiar with Zehava's case.
Shames said that Wednesday's demonstration would hopefully, among other things, encourage the legislature to push through a bill on the division of property between divorcing couples that has already passed its first reading in the Knesset and is an important step to affording agunot women and those refused a divorce their freedom.
She also said that the public had to be made aware that they should not accept individuals who refuse to give their partners a divorce.
"We do not have exact figures on how many women are agunot or have been refused a get by their husbands, but this is a potential problem for any woman who enters a marriage," she said.
In January, figures published by the rabbinic courts showed that a total of 9,765 couples had divorced in 2007 and the rabbinic courts claim that they are now imposing more sanctions against husbands who refuse to give their wives a get, such as the cancellation of drivers' licenses and exit visas, or even prison sentences. In 2007, 23 men were incarcerated for refusing to give a get, compared to nine in 2006.
By RUTH EGLASH
Four days before International Aguna Day is marked worldwide and nine years after first filing for a get - or writ of divorce - from her long-time spouse, Zehava (not her real name) was celebrating Tuesday after hearing the day before that the Rabbinic Courts had finally forced her estranged husband to dissolve their marriage.
"They should have done this a long time ago," she told The Jerusalem Post Tuesday, adding, "Words can't express how I feel right now. It still doesn't feel real."
Zehava said she was just happy that someone in the rabbinate had finally taken the time to read her case through properly and recognize the pain suffered for many years by her and her two children.
According to Jewish law, a woman cannot remarry until her husband agrees to give her a get. Women waiting for an intransigent husband to give a get are known as agunot, or "chained" women. If agunot do marry without receiving a get from their previous husbands, the children born of the second marriage are considered illegitimate, or mamzerim, and are forbidden to marry.
The International Coalition of Aguna Rights (ICAR), which represents an affiliation of 27 organizations working to find a solution to the problem of women whose husbands are unable or unwilling to grant them a Jewish divorce, estimate that hundreds of women in Israel are currently caught in such limbo.
Activists for aguna rights will march at noon on Wednesday from the rabbinical courts in downtown Jerusalem to the Knesset to raise awareness about the issue. International Aguna Day is marked annually on Ta'anit Esther, 13 Adar-Bet according to the Hebrew calendar.
In her interview with the Post, Zehava described how she had put up with years of physical, verbal and emotional abuse at the hands of her husband, and how even after filing for a divorce in 1999, he kept insisting to the rabbinic judges that the couple could rebuild their relationship and work on 'shalom bayit' [domestic reconciliation].
"For the first 20 years I did keep forgiving him and going back to him," she said. "I suffered his abuse in silence and he never thought that I would ever stand up to him. When I finally filed for a divorce, he was shocked and begged for my forgiveness. He claimed he wanted us to try and work things out."
But Zehava refused and continued to press on with the divorce proceedings. For the first four years, however, she was forced to continue living in the same house as her husband. He only agreed to move out after she bought out his share of the property in 2003.
"I would walk the streets after work so that I would not have to go home, and on Shabbat and festivals I would go to friend's houses," she recalled to the Post.
In 2006, the rabbinate decided that the case could not be solved and closed the couple's file, leaving Zehava still married but separated. That was when she turned to non-profit organization Yad La'Isha, one of the ICAR affiliates, which provided her with legal counsel to re-open the case and finally put an end to her suffering this week.
"I want all women to know that it is not a mitzva to suffer in silence," said Zehava. "I urge them to speak out and seek help any way they can."
"Women go into a marriage of their own free will and they should be allowed to leave a marriage in the same way," said Robyn Shames, executive director of ICAR, who is also familiar with Zehava's case.
Shames said that Wednesday's demonstration would hopefully, among other things, encourage the legislature to push through a bill on the division of property between divorcing couples that has already passed its first reading in the Knesset and is an important step to affording agunot women and those refused a divorce their freedom.
She also said that the public had to be made aware that they should not accept individuals who refuse to give their partners a divorce.
"We do not have exact figures on how many women are agunot or have been refused a get by their husbands, but this is a potential problem for any woman who enters a marriage," she said.
In January, figures published by the rabbinic courts showed that a total of 9,765 couples had divorced in 2007 and the rabbinic courts claim that they are now imposing more sanctions against husbands who refuse to give their wives a get, such as the cancellation of drivers' licenses and exit visas, or even prison sentences. In 2007, 23 men were incarcerated for refusing to give a get, compared to nine in 2006.
Mother of 4 stuck in London
Gaza woman cannot return to Israel after studying in England due to border crossing closings. She cannot enter Egypt, is illegal in UK. A real life catch-22
Ali Waked
Ynetnews.com 03.19.08, 12:23
More than a year and a half ago Tagrid Massari, a Gaza resident and mother of four, left the Strip for the United Kingdom after receiving a scholarship to study for her Master’s degree in English instruction. Her scholarly venture soon turned into a nightmare, however, when she came home to find the border crossings into Gaza had been closed.
In order to come home to the Gaza Strip, Massri must arrive in Egypt and then enter Gaza through the Rafah border crossing. The Egyptian authorities, however, refuse to grant her the permit to do just that.
“The Egyptian Embassy in London told me that I cannot get the necessary visa as long as the border crossing is closed,” said Massari who remains in London in the meantime.
Massari, who gave birth to her fourth child in London, told Ynet that even the recent breaching of the Rafah crossing did little to help her, “since this was an illegal breach, from a legal stand point the crossing is still very much closed.”
Massari, who left her three young daughters with her parents when she left for London with her husband, never imagined when she decided to travel abroad to study that she would be separated from her children for such a lengthy period of time.
“I haven’t seen my girls in over a year and a half. I am devastated and have really bad nightmares,” she said.
‘My girls don’t recognize me’
Massari now finds herself an illegal alien in the United Kingdom as well, since her student visa has long since expired. She is unable to legally work in England, and scarcely has enough money to keep in touch with her daughters, to whom she has not spoken in over a month.
“I can’t keep in touch with them; they don’t even recognize me any more. They speak to me as if I am a complete stranger,” she said.
“My oldest daughter is extremely angry with me, and has not spoken to me since December. She blames me for abandoning her as well as her sisters, and for taking their father away. This situation is killing her…she says that the border crossings will never open again,” Massari painfully recounts.
The Gisha Legal Center For Freedom of Movement has attempted to aid Massari, but to date no solution has been found for her plight. Attorney Sari Bashi, the organization’s director, noted that “Massari is only one of many Gaza residents denied the right to work, study and return to their families by this unreasonable and unreasoned Israeli border closure.”
“These border closing do little to serve the interests of Israel and its citizens,” said Bashai. What good can possibly come to Israel from separating a mother from her children?”
Ali Waked
Ynetnews.com 03.19.08, 12:23
More than a year and a half ago Tagrid Massari, a Gaza resident and mother of four, left the Strip for the United Kingdom after receiving a scholarship to study for her Master’s degree in English instruction. Her scholarly venture soon turned into a nightmare, however, when she came home to find the border crossings into Gaza had been closed.
In order to come home to the Gaza Strip, Massri must arrive in Egypt and then enter Gaza through the Rafah border crossing. The Egyptian authorities, however, refuse to grant her the permit to do just that.
“The Egyptian Embassy in London told me that I cannot get the necessary visa as long as the border crossing is closed,” said Massari who remains in London in the meantime.
Massari, who gave birth to her fourth child in London, told Ynet that even the recent breaching of the Rafah crossing did little to help her, “since this was an illegal breach, from a legal stand point the crossing is still very much closed.”
Massari, who left her three young daughters with her parents when she left for London with her husband, never imagined when she decided to travel abroad to study that she would be separated from her children for such a lengthy period of time.
“I haven’t seen my girls in over a year and a half. I am devastated and have really bad nightmares,” she said.
‘My girls don’t recognize me’
Massari now finds herself an illegal alien in the United Kingdom as well, since her student visa has long since expired. She is unable to legally work in England, and scarcely has enough money to keep in touch with her daughters, to whom she has not spoken in over a month.
“I can’t keep in touch with them; they don’t even recognize me any more. They speak to me as if I am a complete stranger,” she said.
“My oldest daughter is extremely angry with me, and has not spoken to me since December. She blames me for abandoning her as well as her sisters, and for taking their father away. This situation is killing her…she says that the border crossings will never open again,” Massari painfully recounts.
The Gisha Legal Center For Freedom of Movement has attempted to aid Massari, but to date no solution has been found for her plight. Attorney Sari Bashi, the organization’s director, noted that “Massari is only one of many Gaza residents denied the right to work, study and return to their families by this unreasonable and unreasoned Israeli border closure.”
“These border closing do little to serve the interests of Israel and its citizens,” said Bashai. What good can possibly come to Israel from separating a mother from her children?”
Lieberman: Serve your country or pay up
Yisrael Beiteinu's Avigdor Lieberman speaks before Haifa University's Political Science Faculty, stirs things up by speaking of mandatory military service, allegiance, logic of transfer. Lieberman motivated by hatred of Arabs, says MK Tibi
Ahiya Raved
Ynetnews.com 03.19.08, 20:10
"Every Israeli citizen must serve his country, either through military service or through National Service (Sherut Leumi)," Yisrael Beiteinu Chairman Avigdor Lieberman told a room full of political science students at Haifa University Wednesday.
Lieberman, who lectured before the university's Political Science Faculty, on "Israel's geopolitical stand in the Middle East," went on to tell the students that "according to a bill I just submitted, such service will be made mandatory and anyone dodging it will either have to pay a fine to the amount of a certain percentage of their annual income."
Animosity
The idea, he explained, mimics one in the Swiss constitution: "Nobody doubts that Switzerland is a democracy, and one which has not been involved in any war for centuries, but still, they passed a similar law in the late 1990s."
Lieberman went on to say he has no problem with Israel being the home of non-Jews, just as long as they pledge their allegiance to it and its Jewish-Zionist nature, "(…since) some Jews are worse that out biggest enemies."
The head of Yisrael Beiteinu further said he was perplexed by the fact that several MKs saw fit to visit Syria and Lebanon after the Second Lebanon War: "No other country in the world, including the US and UK lets its citizens get away with half of what Israel does.
"Here you have MKs visit an enemy state in wartime, return to Israel and resume their government posts. Do you think an American congressman who met (Osama) Bin Laden would be allowed to keep his job?"
Geopolitical realities
Lieberman also addressed the Iranian issue, stating the Islamic Republic was the origin of most – if not all – of Israel's security concerns.
"Iran poses a three-sided problem," he explained. "First we have Hizbullah in the north; secondly we have Hamas and the Jihad in the south; and thirdly we have Iran's own unconventional weapons capability.
"If it wasn't for Iran," he stated, "Israel wouldn't have any security concerns."
When asked about the Iranian pursuit of nuclear technology, Lieberman replied "I'm often asked why (we) don't want Iran to have any nuclear capability for peaceful use. Let me ask – do you think they're developing their ballistic missiles in order to export nuclear technology for peaceful purposes to the rest of the world?"
The only way to curb Iran's nuclear ambitions is to impose real financial and economical sanctions on it, like the ones imposed on Libya and North Korea, he added.
Upon his arrival at Haifa University, Lieberman was met by two groups of protestors. Several left-wing students called "Away with fascism" at him, while the right-wing student called out slogans in his support.
Shortly after his lecture began, a physical altercation broke out between the two groups.
The logic of transfer
Some of those attending the lecture wondered aloud about Lieberman's support of the transfer doctrine, to which he replied that contrary to belief, he was not for any kind of transfer.
"The problem is that some people are so obsessed and zealous they believe their own lies. We are talking about a reasonable, logical solution, supported by dozens of past precedents of land and population swaps.
"There is even a UN resolution to that effect," continued Lieberman. "Why can't we swap the area of Ma'aleh Adumim and Pisgat Ze'ev – which have not a single Arab community near them – for the Triangle area (a concentration of Arab villages near the Green Line), which can be given to the Palestinian Authority?
"Let the PA pay their unemployment, and health benefits," said Lieberman. Throughout his lecture and for several hours after it, Jewish and Arab students continued their confrontation in front of the faculty's entrance, prompting the organizers to "smuggle" Lieberman out the faculty's back door.
Later Wednesday, MK Ahmad Tibi (United Arab List – Ta'al) responded to Lieberman's service bill initiative saying that "Lieberman is a Jewish fascist."
According to Tibi, "Lieberman is driven by his hatred of Arabs and he lives off encouraging hatred and racism." The bill, he added, was more appropriate "for the infamous Ku Klux Klan movement."
Amnon Meranda contributed to this report
Ahiya Raved
Ynetnews.com 03.19.08, 20:10
"Every Israeli citizen must serve his country, either through military service or through National Service (Sherut Leumi)," Yisrael Beiteinu Chairman Avigdor Lieberman told a room full of political science students at Haifa University Wednesday.
Lieberman, who lectured before the university's Political Science Faculty, on "Israel's geopolitical stand in the Middle East," went on to tell the students that "according to a bill I just submitted, such service will be made mandatory and anyone dodging it will either have to pay a fine to the amount of a certain percentage of their annual income."
Animosity
The idea, he explained, mimics one in the Swiss constitution: "Nobody doubts that Switzerland is a democracy, and one which has not been involved in any war for centuries, but still, they passed a similar law in the late 1990s."
Lieberman went on to say he has no problem with Israel being the home of non-Jews, just as long as they pledge their allegiance to it and its Jewish-Zionist nature, "(…since) some Jews are worse that out biggest enemies."
The head of Yisrael Beiteinu further said he was perplexed by the fact that several MKs saw fit to visit Syria and Lebanon after the Second Lebanon War: "No other country in the world, including the US and UK lets its citizens get away with half of what Israel does.
"Here you have MKs visit an enemy state in wartime, return to Israel and resume their government posts. Do you think an American congressman who met (Osama) Bin Laden would be allowed to keep his job?"
Geopolitical realities
Lieberman also addressed the Iranian issue, stating the Islamic Republic was the origin of most – if not all – of Israel's security concerns.
"Iran poses a three-sided problem," he explained. "First we have Hizbullah in the north; secondly we have Hamas and the Jihad in the south; and thirdly we have Iran's own unconventional weapons capability.
"If it wasn't for Iran," he stated, "Israel wouldn't have any security concerns."
When asked about the Iranian pursuit of nuclear technology, Lieberman replied "I'm often asked why (we) don't want Iran to have any nuclear capability for peaceful use. Let me ask – do you think they're developing their ballistic missiles in order to export nuclear technology for peaceful purposes to the rest of the world?"
The only way to curb Iran's nuclear ambitions is to impose real financial and economical sanctions on it, like the ones imposed on Libya and North Korea, he added.
Upon his arrival at Haifa University, Lieberman was met by two groups of protestors. Several left-wing students called "Away with fascism" at him, while the right-wing student called out slogans in his support.
Shortly after his lecture began, a physical altercation broke out between the two groups.
The logic of transfer
Some of those attending the lecture wondered aloud about Lieberman's support of the transfer doctrine, to which he replied that contrary to belief, he was not for any kind of transfer.
"The problem is that some people are so obsessed and zealous they believe their own lies. We are talking about a reasonable, logical solution, supported by dozens of past precedents of land and population swaps.
"There is even a UN resolution to that effect," continued Lieberman. "Why can't we swap the area of Ma'aleh Adumim and Pisgat Ze'ev – which have not a single Arab community near them – for the Triangle area (a concentration of Arab villages near the Green Line), which can be given to the Palestinian Authority?
"Let the PA pay their unemployment, and health benefits," said Lieberman. Throughout his lecture and for several hours after it, Jewish and Arab students continued their confrontation in front of the faculty's entrance, prompting the organizers to "smuggle" Lieberman out the faculty's back door.
Later Wednesday, MK Ahmad Tibi (United Arab List – Ta'al) responded to Lieberman's service bill initiative saying that "Lieberman is a Jewish fascist."
According to Tibi, "Lieberman is driven by his hatred of Arabs and he lives off encouraging hatred and racism." The bill, he added, was more appropriate "for the infamous Ku Klux Klan movement."
Amnon Meranda contributed to this report
Study: Israeli Jews becoming increasingly racist toward Arabs
Haaretz 10:09 19/03/2008
By Avirama Golan, Haaretz Correspondent
Israel's Jewish community increasingly supports the delegitimization, discrimination and even deportation of Arabs, found a report on racism in Israel, set to be released Wednesday. The report, to be presented at a press conference in Nazareth by Mossawa, the Advocacy Center for Arab Citizens of Israel, states that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has clearly impacted public opinion, and warns that ideas such as population exchange and racial segregation are gaining ground. It also warns that several Jewish politicians are gaining influence based on a platform of racial hatred. Mossawa is supported by the Human Rights Program of the European Commission and the United Nations Democracy Foundation.
The report, written by Mossawa director Jafar Farah and others, mainly examines racism against Arabs in Israel, using criteria taken from the anti-Semitism reports in Europe. The report covers Arabs killed by the security forces and by Jewish citizens, anti-Arab incitement by leading Jewish public figures, workforce discrimination by private Jewish organizations, the barring of Arabs from public places, and the destruction of Arab property. The report particularly highlights what it calls the government's helplessness in the face of the problem. The report lists Arab citizens killed by police, soldiers, security guards and Jewish civilians over the past seven years. It notes that only one Jewish citizen, of Ethiopian origin, was killed under similar circumstances during this period. Indictments were issued in only seven cases, the report states. In two cases, the assailants were found not guilty, and the State Prosecutor appealed the verdict in one of these cases. In another case, the indictment was dropped because the shooter was deemed mentally unfit to stand trial. Most cases of Arab citizens injured by Jews were not fully investigated, and the attackers were not indicted in most cases, according to the report. However, the report says Arab violence against Jews led to immediate police action, including collective punishment in villages like Jisr al-Zarqa this month. The report also highlights employment discrimination against Arabs, and accuses the Industry, Trade and Labor Ministry of foot-dragging in enforcing the workplace anti-discrimination law. Citing lawsuits and verdicts of recent years, the report states Arabs are subject to racial profiling at Israel's airports. "Problematic passenger" forms, filled out by security guards and bearing the names of Arab passengers, were found in Israel Airports Authority files. Similar cases occured at train stations and on trains, the report stated. The report also addresses discriminatory legislation, mentioning no less than 10 bills contravening the Basic Law on the Knesset that were passed by the Knesset presidium over the period the report covers. A new element of the 2008 report is that it also addresses refugees from Africa, foreign workers, Jews of Ethiopian, Russian and Mizrachi origin, and the ultra-Orthodox.
By Avirama Golan, Haaretz Correspondent
Israel's Jewish community increasingly supports the delegitimization, discrimination and even deportation of Arabs, found a report on racism in Israel, set to be released Wednesday. The report, to be presented at a press conference in Nazareth by Mossawa, the Advocacy Center for Arab Citizens of Israel, states that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has clearly impacted public opinion, and warns that ideas such as population exchange and racial segregation are gaining ground. It also warns that several Jewish politicians are gaining influence based on a platform of racial hatred. Mossawa is supported by the Human Rights Program of the European Commission and the United Nations Democracy Foundation.
The report, written by Mossawa director Jafar Farah and others, mainly examines racism against Arabs in Israel, using criteria taken from the anti-Semitism reports in Europe. The report covers Arabs killed by the security forces and by Jewish citizens, anti-Arab incitement by leading Jewish public figures, workforce discrimination by private Jewish organizations, the barring of Arabs from public places, and the destruction of Arab property. The report particularly highlights what it calls the government's helplessness in the face of the problem. The report lists Arab citizens killed by police, soldiers, security guards and Jewish civilians over the past seven years. It notes that only one Jewish citizen, of Ethiopian origin, was killed under similar circumstances during this period. Indictments were issued in only seven cases, the report states. In two cases, the assailants were found not guilty, and the State Prosecutor appealed the verdict in one of these cases. In another case, the indictment was dropped because the shooter was deemed mentally unfit to stand trial. Most cases of Arab citizens injured by Jews were not fully investigated, and the attackers were not indicted in most cases, according to the report. However, the report says Arab violence against Jews led to immediate police action, including collective punishment in villages like Jisr al-Zarqa this month. The report also highlights employment discrimination against Arabs, and accuses the Industry, Trade and Labor Ministry of foot-dragging in enforcing the workplace anti-discrimination law. Citing lawsuits and verdicts of recent years, the report states Arabs are subject to racial profiling at Israel's airports. "Problematic passenger" forms, filled out by security guards and bearing the names of Arab passengers, were found in Israel Airports Authority files. Similar cases occured at train stations and on trains, the report stated. The report also addresses discriminatory legislation, mentioning no less than 10 bills contravening the Basic Law on the Knesset that were passed by the Knesset presidium over the period the report covers. A new element of the 2008 report is that it also addresses refugees from Africa, foreign workers, Jews of Ethiopian, Russian and Mizrachi origin, and the ultra-Orthodox.
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